tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-62032716656386391142024-03-07T23:45:43.428-08:00Committee of the Peoples Charter (CPC)Committee of the Peoples Charter (CPC) is a non-partisan political, economic, social and democratic accountability movement founded in 2011 in pursuit of the realization of the societal objectives enunciated by the Zimbabwe People’s Charter adopted at the Peoples Convention on 9 February 2008 in Harare, Zimbabwe.
Our Country Toohttp://www.blogger.com/profile/15835097949283298579noreply@blogger.comBlogger36125tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-6203271665638639114.post-20964098881332171772015-10-23T01:17:00.002-07:002015-10-23T01:17:34.130-07:00Samora Machel 2015 Memorial Lecture Presentations<div class="MsoNormal" style="background-color: white;">
<span style="color: #222222; font-family: Verdana, sans-serif; font-size: large;"><span style="line-height: 24px;">Generational Perspectives on Samora’s Legacy – Embracing a Revolutionary Future </span></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif; font-size: large;"><b><span style="line-height: 24px;">Contributors</span></b><span style="line-height: 24px;">: Paidamoyo Muzulu, Terence Chimhavi, Koliwe Nyoni-Majama<o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif; font-size: large;"><b><span style="line-height: 24px;">Contact Details</span></b><span style="line-height: 24px;">: <a href="mailto:committeeofpeoplescharter@gmail.com" style="color: #888888; text-decoration: none;">committeeofpeoplescharter@gmail.com</a><o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
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<b><i><span lang="EN-ZA"><span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif; font-size: large;"><br /></span></span></i></b></div>
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<b><i><span lang="EN-ZA"><span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif; font-size: large;">By Terence
Chimhavi<o:p></o:p></span></span></i></b></div>
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<b><i><span lang="EN-ZA"><span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif; font-size: large;"><br /></span></span></i></b></div>
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<span lang="EN-ZA"><span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif; font-size: large;">Today, 19
October, 2015, marks exactly 29 years to the day President Samora Machel of
Mozambique was killed in yet unclear circumstances, though of course the
greatest suspicion has been placed on apartheid South Africa. He was 53 years
and had been in power for 11 years.<o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
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<span lang="EN-ZA"><span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif; font-size: large;">As a Zimbabwean,
and from my born-free perspective, I never had an opportunity to see or meet
Cde Machel; when he passed on I was only a few years old. But growing up, I
came to know more about this foreigner just through the sheer recognition and
appreciation, albeit posthumously, that was so apparent within the broader
Zimbabwean society. </span></span></div>
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<span lang="EN-ZA"><span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif; font-size: large;"><br /></span></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif; font-size: large;"><span lang="EN-ZA"><o:p></o:p></span><span lang="EN-ZA">My understanding
of the legacy that Samora Machel left has become deeper over the years, as I
have sought to really understand why a person, a foreigner for that matter, can
be such a celebrated figure in a foreign country. It is this interaction with
history as told by others that has expanded my appreciation of this legacy that
we celebrate today.<o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
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<span lang="EN-ZA"><span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif; font-size: large;"><br /></span></span></div>
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<span lang="EN-ZA"><span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif; font-size: large;">Today, as we
commemorate this life well lived, there are a number of things that stand out
about this great African revolutionary. I associate Cde Machel with
organizational excellence particularly for his role firstly in the independence
struggle of his country Mozambique and also his role in the bloc known as the
frontline states. Indeed, he led from the front in defeating the Portuguese
colonial hegemony in Mozambique, which victory became a strategic turnaround
and precursor to the eventual demise of the Rhodesians. <o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
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<span lang="EN-ZA"><span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif; font-size: large;"><br /></span></span></div>
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<span lang="EN-ZA"><span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif; font-size: large;">This is coupled
with orchestrating the revolutionary self-sacrifice that was shown by the
people of Mozambique, who having got their independence earlier were able to
understand that you can never enjoy your independence to the full when your
neighbour is still in bondage. It takes great organizational and persuasive
guile to convince a people to sacrifice for another, moreso given the poor
state of their country at that particular time. We all know and acknowledge today
how Mozambique became a strategic base for liberation fighters fighting the regime
of Ian Smith in Rhodesia.<o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
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<span lang="EN-ZA"><span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif; font-size: large;"><br /></span></span></div>
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<span lang="EN-ZA"><span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif; font-size: large;">Though today
Chimoio and Nyadzonia stand out as key low moments in the struggle when the
settler regime, sought to inflict collateral damage on its direct opponents and
those offering them support by launching an attack on foreign territory; the
truth of the matter is that the people of Mozambique suffered a lot more
through incursions into their territory by both Rhodesian and South African
forces.<o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
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<span lang="EN-ZA"><span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif; font-size: large;"><br /></span></span></div>
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<span lang="EN-ZA"><span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif; font-size: large;">There is a lot
to learn and much more to say from the relationship that existed then and still
exists to this day between Zimbabwe and Mozambique. Even Dr Thomas Mapfumo
acknowledges in his song ‘Zimbabwe-Mozambique’ these strong brotherly and
sisterly ties.<o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
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<span lang="EN-ZA"><span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif; font-size: large;"><br /></span></span></div>
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<span lang="EN-ZA"><span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif; font-size: large;">The challenge I
find today and I have also seen for many of my own contemporaries – the youth
of today – is what lessons we can take in building our future from the story of
Zimbabwe-Mozambique and as told from the Machel perspective.<o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
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<span lang="EN-ZA"><span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif; font-size: large;"><br /></span></span></div>
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<span lang="EN-ZA"><span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif; font-size: large;">From Zimbabwe’s
current context, with its challenges, and told from various angles, there are a
number of lessons to be drawn from the Machel legacy.<o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
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<span lang="EN-ZA"><span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif; font-size: large;">1. African
brotherhood – as defined then by Machel and his contemporaries in the frontline
states, which definition I content still remains relevant today – still stands
as a critical pillar in addressing the various challenges that Africans across
the continent face. Though these may differ according to local national contexts
and conditions, the story of the frontline states still stands as an
inspiration to how working together as Africans is the greatest panacea to
Africa’s common problems.<o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
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<span lang="EN-ZA"><span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif; font-size: large;"><br /></span></span></div>
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<span lang="EN-ZA"><span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif; font-size: large;">2. No African
country can claim developmental success when other African countries have not
attained the same – at least a basic level of development. Today the continent
boasts of extremes in terms of poverty and opulence. Even here in Zimbabwe,
this is true. And the xenophobia that has become an occasional problem in South
Africa and other countries is testimony to how the inequality scourge
re-invents itself as a problem in perpetuity.<o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
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<span lang="EN-ZA"><span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif; font-size: large;">3. Genuine
collective development will only be driven and delivered by the younger
generation. This is not to say the elders have no role to play. But a cursory
look at how the liberation struggle played out in Zimbabwe and other frontline
states, Zimbabwe and Mozambique included, is testimony to the power in the
youth. Unfortunately today, we have that unfortunate situation where the youth
are a disjointed lot and cannot identify what the common challenge(s) is/are
and how they can over-ride their differences to address their common
challenges. <o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
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<span lang="EN-ZA"><span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif; font-size: large;">Let me end by
thanking the organizers of this event, the Committee of the Peoples Charter,
for creating the space to honour one of Africa’s finest revolutionaries. It is
an honour as a young person, to be able to share valuable lessons we all get
from this foreigner who sacrificed a lot for other ‘foreigners’. And as was his
great catch-phrase, ‘<i>áluta continua</i> –
the struggle indeed continues’.<o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
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<span lang="EN-ZA"><span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif; font-size: large;">I thank you.</span></span></div>
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<span lang="EN-US"><span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif; font-size: large;"><b>Nationalism and feminism: a time to define our role in our ‘new’
African struggle</b><o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
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<span lang="EN-US"><span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif; font-size: large;"><i><b>By Koliwe Majama</b></i><o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
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<span lang="EN-US"><span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif; font-size: large;">My presentation will focus on the socialist connections between
national ‘liberation’ and women’s emancipation. This presentation, I hope, will
ignite a flame in Zimbabwe’s feminist movement, and particular in the younger
section of that community of Zimbabwean women especially. This is obviously the
recognition that as young women we are obliged to have an active definitive role
within our national socio, economic and political struggles.<o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
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<span lang="EN-US"><span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif; font-size: large;">The significance of our participation, as women, in todays struggle
should be linked to the acknowledgement of the symbolism of the role that young
Zimbabwean women played during our liberation struggle. There is need to pick
from where they left and carry forward what will be generation continuity of
equality for men and women.<o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
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<span lang="EN-US"><span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif; font-size: large;">In my presentation, I will make reference to, Samora Machels, socialist
perspectives on the significance of women within, at the time, liberation
movements- making the linkages within our context today – our current status,
challenges and making proposals on a way forward in this path of redefinition
and action. I will however, in making the linkages, also make reference to
other African experiences and writings to put into perspective why it is
important that we are having this conversation today. <o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
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<span lang="EN-US"><span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif; font-size: large;">Samoras’ legacy is evidently and undoubtedly relevant to us a
Zimbabwean people, particularly when you revisit the chronicles of The
Chimurenga; His role as an individual – and the overall sacrifices made by the
people of Mozambique in contributing to the Zimbabwe that we are today. Let me hasten to say that as a social
democratic movement, the CPC, we have commemorated today consistently since our
formation as recognition of not only that role in the context of the
liberation, but the relevance of his words and action in an entirely different
time and place.<o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
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<span lang="EN-US"><span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif; font-size: large;">So what is significant about women’s participation in the liberation
war in Zimbabwe? It is important to note that during the liberation war,
Zimbabwean women rose above the traditionally subordinated gender positions in
order to fight equally with men in the struggle for national independence. And
for this they were heralded internationally. </span></span></div>
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<span lang="EN-US"><span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif; font-size: large;"><br /></span></span></div>
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<span lang="EN-US"><span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif; font-size: large;"><br /></span></span></div>
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<span lang="EN-US"><span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif; font-size: large;">At independence Robert Mugabe
acknowledged this when he acknowledged that Zimbabwe had learnt through the
liberation that the country learnt through the liberation struggle that success
and power are possible when men and women are unites. <o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
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<span lang="EN-US"><span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif; font-size: large;"><br /></span></span></div>
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<span lang="EN-US"><span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif; font-size: large;">The attainment of Zimbabwe’s independence in 1980, ironically, coincided
with the United Nations decade for women, and subsequently the mid-term Women’s
conference in Copenhagen, which in actual fact made the socialist connections between
national liberation and women’s emancipation. It focused on women in South
Africa, Namibia and Zimbabwe. <o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
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<span lang="EN-US"><span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif; font-size: large;">Much earlier in Guinea Bissau, Amilar Cabral had argued that a that
a revolution would not be complete without the social transformation of both
men and women, and that women had to <b>fight
for</b> and <b>earn their right to equality</b>
with men. <o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
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<span lang="EN-US"><span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif; font-size: large;"><br /></span></span></div>
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<span lang="EN-US"><span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif; font-size: large;">So the big question now is - With all that recognition and socialist
feminist hope for women in Southern Africa is this reflective of the equality,
confidence and determination today – years after the gaining of national
independence? <o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
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<span lang="EN-US"><span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif; font-size: large;">Samora argued at the time that the liberation of women is a <b>fundamental necessity for the revolution</b>,
<b>the guarantee of its continuity</b> and
the <b>precondition for its victory</b>. <o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
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<span lang="EN-US"><span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif; font-size: large;">The answer is no!<o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
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<span lang="EN-US"><span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif; font-size: large;">Broadly speaking Zimbabwean women today are probably more
subordinated in todays struggle for a democratic Zimbabwe than they were
fighting for a liberated one. The women that we celebrate today as liberation
sheroes – were young at the time Zimbabwe was at war. </span></span></div>
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<span lang="EN-US"><span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif; font-size: large;"><br /></span></span></div>
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<span lang="EN-US"><span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif; font-size: large;"><br /></span></span></div>
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<span lang="EN-US"><span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif; font-size: large;">The question is, and in
reference to Samoras words, was that participation guaranteed to continue? To
what extent does their participation as young women influence our participation
today as young Zimbabwean women? <o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
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<span lang="EN-US"><span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif; font-size: large;"><br /></span></span></div>
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<br /></div>
<div class="MsoListParagraphCxSpFirst" style="text-indent: -0.25in;">
<!--[if !supportLists]--><span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif; font-size: large;"><span lang="EN-US">1.<span style="font-stretch: normal; line-height: normal;">
</span></span><!--[endif]--><span lang="EN-US">Tokenism vs. Award (Amilcar
speaks to <b>earned rights to equality) – </b>The
case of capacity in parliament <o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
<div class="MsoListParagraphCxSpFirst" style="text-indent: -0.25in;">
<span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif; font-size: large;"><span lang="EN-US"><br /></span></span></div>
<div class="MsoListParagraphCxSpMiddle" style="text-indent: -0.25in;">
<!--[if !supportLists]--><span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif; font-size: large;"><span lang="EN-US">2.<span style="font-stretch: normal; line-height: normal;">
</span></span><!--[endif]--><span lang="EN-US">Interaction and mentorship by
female comrades – The case of Freedom Nyamubaya and Margret Dongo/ Wrings of
Takura Zhangazha on the power that is yielded by Grace Mugabe/Joice Mujuru <b>(</b>Samora speaks to<b> continuity)</b><o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
<div class="MsoListParagraphCxSpMiddle" style="text-indent: -0.25in;">
<span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif; font-size: large;"><span lang="EN-US"><b><br /></b></span></span></div>
<div class="MsoListParagraphCxSpMiddle" style="text-indent: -0.25in;">
<!--[if !supportLists]--><span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif; font-size: large;"><span lang="EN-US">3.<span style="font-stretch: normal; line-height: normal;">
</span></span><!--[endif]--><span lang="EN-US">Youth movements – juvenile (in political parties) The case of Hon.
Annastacia Ndlovu and young womens’ participation (in social movements) <o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
<div class="MsoListParagraphCxSpMiddle" style="text-indent: -0.25in;">
<span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif; font-size: large;"><span lang="EN-US"><br /></span></span></div>
<div class="MsoListParagraphCxSpLast" style="text-indent: -0.25in;">
<!--[if !supportLists]--><span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif; font-size: large;"><span lang="EN-US">4.<span style="font-stretch: normal; line-height: normal;">
</span></span><!--[endif]--><span lang="EN-US">Opinions on socio, economic and
political issues vs. utilization of more readily available spaces. (The
internet) – Her Zimbabwe experience on women and inboxing. <o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
<div class="MsoListParagraphCxSpLast" style="text-indent: -0.25in;">
<span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif; font-size: large;"><span lang="EN-US"><br /></span></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span lang="EN-US"><span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif; font-size: large;">Like it or not,
patriarchy is going to take longer to deal with. Women no matter how empowered are,
without breaking the barriers we will still feel subjugated and not publicly
have an opinion on potentially controversial issues – and this is despite the
many opportunities that we have been offered – which include Education/
employment opportunities/voting rights/participation in ‘most spheres’.<o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span lang="EN-US"><span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif; font-size: large;"><br /></span></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
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<span lang="EN-ZA"><span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif; font-size: large;">
</span></span></div>
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<span lang="EN-US"><span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif; font-size: large;">But the socialist feminist perspectives which were key in defining
the women’s liberation and equality within their the context of a war – that is
in liberation movements should take a shift today so that we are able to
extend/ move forward what they began – for generational continuity.<o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
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<span lang="EN-US"><span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif; font-size: large;"></span></span></div>
<a name='more'></a><span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif; font-size: large;"><br /></span><br />
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<span lang="EN-US"><span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif; font-size: large;"><i><b>By Paidamoyo Muzulu</b></i></span></span></div>
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<span lang="EN-US"><span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif; font-size: large;"><i><b><br /></b></i></span></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0in; text-align: justify;">
<span lang="EN-US"><span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif; font-size: large;">Let me start from the beginning so
that we can get this clear. I am Paidamoyo Muzulu and a Socialist and I think
it’s common cause that I am an African. Samora Moses Machel is a great son of
Africa who unfortunately had his life cut short allegedly by the South African
apartheid regime in 1986 in a plane crash in Mambuzini, South Africa.<o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
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<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0in; text-align: justify;">
<span lang="EN-US"><span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif; font-size: large;">His death shocked the region, Sadc
and the whole African continent. For us in Zimbabwe we felt robbed and as a
country for the first time in my nascent years had to mourn a person I never
met or really knew. That as a country we plunged into mourning shows his great
attributes. For those new to African history, Machel after leading Mozambique
to independence like Tanzania’s Julius Nyerere and Zambia’s Kenneth Kaunda they
opened their borders to take in liberation movements to train and fight
colonial regimes in Zimbabwe and South Africa.<o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
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<br /></div>
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<span lang="EN-US"><span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif; font-size: large;">Machel could have chosen to start
reconstructing his country and sought peace and neighbourliness with Southern
Rhodesia and South Africa. This was an easy way out but as a pan Africanist he
knew and understood why it was important for the whole region to be
decolonized.<o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0in; text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0in; text-align: justify;">
<span lang="EN-US"><span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif; font-size: large;">Machel and Mozambique paid a price
for this stand and still pays the price today as neo-colonists still
destabilize the country which has so much potential. In 1974 he told the
Portuguese, “You don’t ask a slave if he wants to be free, particularly when he
is already in revolt, and much less if you happen to be a slave-owner.” <o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
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<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0in; text-align: justify;">
<span lang="EN-US"><span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif; font-size: large;">His ideological clarity can also
be seen in his speech on his first state visit to Zimbabwe, in 1980, when he
advised, "To ensure national unity, there must be no Shonas in Zimbabwe,
there must be no Ndebeles in Zimbabwe, there must be Zimbabweans. Some people
are proud of their tribalism. But we call tribalists reactionary agents of the
enemy."<o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
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<br /></div>
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<span lang="EN-US"><span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif; font-size: large;">And fundamentally he had no
illusions about what the State should for its people. In a speech given in Maputo
in February 1980 he said, “The state must be the first to be organized and
totally committed to serving the interests of the people.”<o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
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<br /></div>
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<span lang="EN-US"><span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif; font-size: large;">It therefore becomes clear that
Machel’s greatest legacy is sacrificing personal liberty and enjoyment for
greater freedom in the region Sadc.<o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0in; text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0in; text-align: justify;">
<span lang="EN-US"><span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif; font-size: large;">Can we as today’s youth emulate
the great pan-Africanist Machel move over from champagne and chicken
revolutions in hotel lobbies?<o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
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<br /></div>
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<span lang="EN-US"><span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif; font-size: large;">Are we willing to roll back our
shirts’ sleeves and get dirty? Or alternatively we have become content with our
little islands self-achievements but still surrounded by a sea of poverty and
growing political and economic uncertainty?<o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
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<br /></div>
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<span lang="EN-US"><span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif; font-size: large;">Past generations, Machel’s
generation rebelled to have access to equal treatment (they could get a job, a
house except that they had a glass ceiling to their ambitions. Even if they made
money they for say in Zimbabwe they could not cross to the northern side of Samora
Machel Avenue. What an irony.)<o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0in; text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0in; text-align: justify;">
<span lang="EN-US"><span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif; font-size: large;">Yet surprisingly we can’t fight
for basic rights like water, energy and basic health, education. We have become
a generation that is content, individualistic and a now society that can’t see
beyond our nose or plan beyond tomorrow.<o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
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<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0in; text-align: justify;">
<span lang="EN-US"><span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif; font-size: large;">We have become a mercenary
generation (rented crowd for demonstration, per diems and allowances) this can
best be exemplified by the failed demonstrations on vending or prepaid water
meters. These noble demonstrations withered under the proverbial alter of the
dollar. <o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
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<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0in; text-align: justify;">
<span lang="EN-US"><span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif; font-size: large;">We have slowly morphed into a
publicity seeking generation, seeking to be known better than the issues we
represent and many a time creating the weakness why our activities and programs
die. They are personality tied.<o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0in; text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0in; text-align: justify;">
<span lang="EN-US"><span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif; font-size: large;">Check how we tweet and facebook
our struggles. It should be our successes that should hog the limelight than
our selfies going viral.<o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
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<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0in; text-align: justify;">
<span lang="EN-US"><span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif; font-size: large;">As we commemorate Machel’s death
it is worth to pause a moment and reflect on what society we want. Can we
become less self-centered, look for the greater community good than our selfish
monetary interests and offer leadership? All this is possible but we have to be
ideologically clear and willing to fight our struggles that posterity may see
what we achieved rather than be mere footnotes in the history of our country.<o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
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<span lang="EN-US"><span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif; font-size: large;">Thank you cdes.<o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
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<span lang="EN-US"><span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif; font-size: large;"><i><b><br /></b></i></span></span></div>
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<span lang="EN-US"><span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif; font-size: large;"><i><b><br /></b></i></span></span></div>
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<span lang="EN-US"><span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif; font-size: large;"><i><b><br /></b></i></span></span></div>
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Our Country Toohttp://www.blogger.com/profile/15835097949283298579noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-6203271665638639114.post-6188852765201769512015-07-20T12:28:00.002-07:002015-07-21T01:47:08.195-07:00CPC On the Structural Challenges of Zimbabwe’s National Economy: Position Paper Number 4.<div class="MsoNormal" style="background: white; margin-bottom: 0.0001pt; text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="background: white; margin-bottom: 0.0001pt; text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif; font-size: large;"><i><span style="color: #222222; font-family: "Arial","sans-serif"; font-size: 16.0pt; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-ZW;">Think. Act. Lead</span></i><span style="color: #222222; font-family: "Arial","sans-serif"; font-size: 16.0pt; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-ZW;"><o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
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<b><span style="color: #222222; font-family: Verdana, sans-serif; font-size: large; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-ZW;"><br /></span></b></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="background: white; margin-bottom: 0.0001pt; text-align: justify;">
<i><span style="color: #222222; font-family: Verdana, sans-serif; font-size: large; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-ZW;">Issue Date: Friday 17 July 2015</span></i></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="background: white; margin-bottom: 0.0001pt; text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif; font-size: large;"><br /></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="background: white; margin-bottom: 0.0001pt; text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif; font-size: large;"><b><span style="color: #222222; font-family: "Arial","sans-serif"; font-size: 16.0pt; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-ZW;">1.</span></b><span style="color: #222222; font-family: "Arial","sans-serif"; font-size: 16.0pt; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-ZW;"> The Zimbabwean national
economy, in it structural framework (the state, private sector, social
services and informal sector) has come to be both a political and ideological
issue. We immediately raise the structural dimension of debating our national
economy because goods, services, and wealth are created within established
frameworks by dint of either global best examples or historically arrived
at values and principles. In both cases these two aspects have also
historically been ideological (liberalism, neo-liberalism, socialism,
communism, state-capitalism, nationalism). <o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="background: white; margin-bottom: 0.0001pt; text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif; font-size: large;"><br /></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="background: white; margin-bottom: 0.0001pt; text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif; font-size: large;"><b><span style="color: #222222; font-family: "Arial","sans-serif"; font-size: 16.0pt; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-ZW;">2.</span></b><span style="color: #222222; font-family: "Arial","sans-serif"; font-size: 16.0pt; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-ZW;"> Historically our country’s
economy has also been one that is largely characterized by a combination of
mimicry of these same said economic models and ideas. On occasion with the best
of intentions but in most cases out of sheer necessity but lack of thorough
application to our national context.<o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="background: white; margin-bottom: 0.0001pt; text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif; font-size: large;"><br /></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="background: white; margin-bottom: 0.0001pt; text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif; font-size: large;"><b><span style="color: #222222; font-family: "Arial","sans-serif"; font-size: 16.0pt; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-ZW;">3. </span></b><span style="color: #222222;">Zimbabwe has now come full
circle since our national independence, from being an economy that was
initially supported by the remnants of a settler state capitalism while
embarking on a socialist ideological economic intention to one that was to
become liberal (free-market) in the 1990s decade of structural adjustment. </span></span><br />
<span style="color: #222222;"><span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif; font-size: large;"><br /></span></span>
<span style="color: #222222; font-family: Verdana, sans-serif; font-size: large;">This
latter phase, while making pretensions at retaining the key role of the state in facilitating social welfare services (education, health, public transport
subsidies) gave way to a stricter free market framework in which the state has
all but withdrawn its role of ensuring that the basic needs of all citizens are
met. This is the neo-liberal version of our national economic policy that
Zimbabwe is now experiencing.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="background: white; margin-bottom: 0.0001pt; text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif; font-size: large;"><br /></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="background: white; margin-bottom: 0.0001pt; text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif; font-size: large;"><b><span style="color: #222222; font-family: "Arial","sans-serif"; font-size: 16.0pt; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-ZW;">4</span></b><span style="color: #222222; font-family: "Arial","sans-serif"; font-size: 16.0pt; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-ZW;">. This is also despite the
radical nationalism that informed what is now referred to as the Fast Track
Land Reform Programme (FTLRP). While the latter was intended to be a
means of redress for historical colonial injustice addressing, its occurrence
has however been within the broader ambit of again, limited state support for
new farmers and nascent manufacturers of agricultural end products.<o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="background: white; margin-bottom: 0.0001pt; text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif; font-size: large;"><br /></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="background: white; margin-bottom: 0.0001pt; text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif; font-size: large;"><b><span style="color: #222222; font-family: "Arial","sans-serif"; font-size: 16.0pt; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-ZW;">4.1</span></b><span style="color: #222222; font-family: "Arial","sans-serif"; font-size: 16.0pt; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-ZW;"> Further expressions of radical
nationalism within a neo-liberal economic context were to be found in the
national indigenization policy that followed the FTLRP. The targeting of
foreign majority owned private corporations to cede at least 51% of their
shares, while being a convenient carry over from the land reform programme was
however not intended to be a wealth redistribution programme for all. It
has instead created a limited number of elites who with the passage of time and
limited numbers of viable companies to indigenize also sought to acquire 51%
ownership of banks, a tertiary service sector.<o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="background: white; margin-bottom: 0.0001pt; text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif; font-size: large;"><br /></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="background: white; margin-bottom: 0.0001pt; text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif; font-size: large;"><b><span style="color: #222222; font-family: "Arial","sans-serif"; font-size: 16.0pt; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-ZW;">4.2</span></b><span style="color: #222222; font-family: "Arial","sans-serif"; font-size: 16.0pt; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-ZW;"> To this end, the neo-liberal
framework that now informs our national economy has come to be exemplified by
the Zimbabwe Agenda for Sustainable Social and Economic Transformation</span> (ZIMASSET).
Its primary pretext of utilizing central government mortgaging state assets to
public private partnerships across its clusters identified as food security;
value addition; social services and poverty reduction; infrastructure and
utilities and finally value addition and beneficiation. All in order
to arrive at an economy where the social democratic obligations of the state to
provide basic needs for all of its citizens are diminished.</span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="background: white; margin-bottom: 0.0001pt; text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif; font-size: large;"><br /></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="background: white; margin-bottom: 0.0001pt; text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif; font-size: large;"><b><span style="color: #222222; font-family: "Arial","sans-serif"; font-size: 16.0pt; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-ZW;">4.3</span></b><span style="color: #222222; font-family: "Arial","sans-serif"; font-size: 16.0pt; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-ZW;"> This is why, for all the
praise singing, ZimAsset is being implemented within the context of high levels
of unemployment, lack of affordable healthcare, poor public transport services,
ongoing endemic levels of corruption, lack of affordable housing and lack of
affordable basic education.<o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="background: white; margin-bottom: 0.0001pt; text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif; font-size: large;"><br /></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="background: white; margin-bottom: 0.0001pt; text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif; font-size: large;"><b><span style="color: #222222; font-family: "Arial","sans-serif"; font-size: 16.0pt; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-ZW;">5.</span></b><span style="color: #222222; font-family: "Arial","sans-serif"; font-size: 16.0pt; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-ZW;"> It is this lived economic
reality that while being imbued with abstract statements of good intention from
the government, remains neo-liberal and elite centered.<o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="background: white; margin-bottom: 0.0001pt; text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif; font-size: large;"><br /></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="background: white; margin-bottom: 0.0001pt; text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif; font-size: large;"><b><span style="color: #222222; font-family: "Arial","sans-serif"; font-size: 16.0pt; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-ZW;">5.1</span></b><span style="color: #222222; font-family: "Arial","sans-serif"; font-size: 16.0pt; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-ZW;"> In light of this structural
framework, it is therefore imperative that there be greater analysis of the
depressing realities that are our lived national economic realities. This
would entail understanding our economy to be characterized by the following:<o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="background: white; text-align: justify;">
<span style="color: #222222; font-family: Verdana, sans-serif; font-size: large; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-ZW;">a) A
continued application of various economic models and blueprints without a
thorough appreciation and consideration of our national context in order to
arrive at people-centered economic solutions<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="background: white; text-align: justify;">
<span style="color: #222222; font-family: Verdana, sans-serif; font-size: large; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-ZW;">b) The
use of radical nationalist rhetoric to paper over an elitist and predatory
state capitalism under the guise of public private partnerships<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="background: white; text-align: justify;">
<span style="color: #222222; font-family: Verdana, sans-serif; font-size: large; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-ZW;">c) The
individualization of the Zimbabwean citizen by way of personal debt and
repressive political laws that serve to make it near impossible for different
alternatives and frameworks to be placed in the public domain<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="background: white; text-align: justify;">
<span style="color: #222222; font-family: Verdana, sans-serif; font-size: large;">d)The dis-empowerment of the youth and women of Zimbabwe through unemployment,
lack of access to affordable basic and tertiary education, lack of access to
affordable healthcare, public transport and land.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="background: white; text-align: justify;">
<span style="color: #222222; font-family: Verdana, sans-serif; font-size: large; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-ZW;">e) The
negation of the elderly and pensioners to the vagaries of the unaffordable cost
of living.<o:p></o:p></span><br />
<span style="color: #222222; font-family: Verdana, sans-serif; font-size: large; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-ZW;"><br /></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="background: white; margin-bottom: 0.0001pt; text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif; font-size: large;"><b><span style="color: #222222; font-family: "Arial","sans-serif"; font-size: 16.0pt; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-ZW;">5.2</span></b><span style="color: #222222; font-family: "Arial","sans-serif"; font-size: 16.0pt; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-ZW;"> In order to mitigate these undemocratic
economic circumstances, it is imperative that all Zimbabweans consider the
following:<o:p></o:p></span></span><br />
<span style="color: #222222; font-family: Verdana, sans-serif; font-size: large; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-ZW;"><br /></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="background: white; text-align: justify;">
<span style="color: #222222; font-family: Verdana, sans-serif; font-size: large;">a) Challenging
the ideological framework of government’s economic policies in order to effect
a shift from the current neo-liberal one to a social democratic grounding that recognizes that the role of the state remains that of ensuring basic needs for
all citizens. </span><br />
<span style="color: #222222;"><span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif; font-size: large;">This being done while simultaneously promoting innovation,
protecting our local markets and democratically contextualizing every proposed new
economic blueprint suggested by global trends.</span></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="background: white; text-align: justify;">
<span style="color: #222222; font-family: Verdana, sans-serif; font-size: large;">b) Prioritizing the economic plight of the youth and elderly by crafting alternative social
democratic economic policy frameworks that outline organic solutions in the
immediate as well as the long term.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="background: white; text-align: justify;">
<span style="color: #222222; font-family: Verdana, sans-serif; font-size: large; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-ZW;">c) Making
gender an integral aspect of any alternative economic frameworks<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="background: white; text-align: justify;">
<span style="color: #222222; font-family: Verdana, sans-serif; font-size: large; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-ZW;">d) Harnessing
the input of the Zimbabwean Diaspora in crafting social democratic economic
frameworks.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="background: white; text-align: justify;">
<span style="color: #222222; font-family: Verdana, sans-serif; font-size: large; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-ZW;">e) Lobbying
the government of the day on these frameworks and remaining true to principle.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="background: white; margin-bottom: 0.0001pt; text-align: justify;">
<b><i><span style="color: #222222; font-family: Verdana, sans-serif; font-size: large; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-ZW;"><br /></span></i></b></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="background: white; margin-bottom: 0.0001pt; text-align: justify;">
<i><span style="color: #222222; font-family: Verdana, sans-serif; font-size: large; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-ZW;">Issued by the Subcommittee on the
National Economy and Social Welfare.</span></i></div>
Our Country Toohttp://www.blogger.com/profile/15835097949283298579noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-6203271665638639114.post-14738206670666919222015-07-08T02:23:00.000-07:002015-07-08T02:23:06.536-07:00The Diaspora and Resuscitating Zimbabwe’s economy<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif; font-size: large;"><b><span style="line-height: 107%;">Increasing the Diaspora
contribution to the national economy is to increase their rights as well.</span></b><b><span style="line-height: 107%;"><o:p></o:p></span></b></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif; font-size: large;"><b><i><span style="line-height: 107%;"><br /></span></i></b></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<b><span style="line-height: 107%;"><span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif;">Position
Paper Number 3<span style="font-size: large;"><o:p></o:p></span></span></span></b></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<b><span style="line-height: 107%;"><span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif; font-size: large;"><br /></span></span></b></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="line-height: 107%;"><span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif;">Issued 8 July 2015<span style="font-size: large;"><o:p></o:p></span></span></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="line-height: 107%;"><span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif; font-size: large;"><br /></span></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="line-height: 107%;"><span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif; font-size: large;">1.0 The Committee of the Peoples Charter (CPC) notes that the
development of any nation is chiefly driven by its citizens – both within and
without the country. The latter constitutes a rich cross-section of the country’s
human capital that is resident in other countries, constituted by both skilled
and unskilled labour. This population is commonly referred to as the Diaspora.<o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="line-height: 107%;"><span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif; font-size: large;"><br /></span></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="line-height: 107%;"><span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif; font-size: large;">1.1 Various reasons, to varying degrees, and over different
time periods have led to many Zimbabweans leaving the country; the post 2000
political and economic instability being the most recent to have forced
citizens to leave the country.<o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="line-height: 107%;"><span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif; font-size: large;"><br /></span></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="line-height: 107%;"><span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif; font-size: large;">1.2 It is currently estimated that 3 or 4 million Zimbabweans
are living abroad, the greater majority being resident in Southern Africa. A
United Nations Development Programme (UNDP) paper on ‘The Potential Contribution of the Zimbabwe Diaspora to Economic Recovery’<b>
</b>produced in 2010 suggests that South Africa alone is estimated to
have in excess of 2 million Zimbabweans, and close to half a million in the UK.<o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="line-height: 107%;"><span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif; font-size: large;"><br /></span></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="line-height: 107%;"><span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif; font-size: large;">1.3 The general trend has seen Zimbabweans migrating to
countries with more developed democratic cultures such as South Africa, the UK,
USA, Botswana, Canada, Australia and New Zealand. This postulates the absence
or lack of democracy or a democratic culture in Zimbabwe as a major push factor
influencing this outward migration.<o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="line-height: 107%;"><span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif; font-size: large;"><br /></span></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="line-height: 107%;"><span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif; font-size: large;">1.4 This departure of the skilled labour component has
immensely contributed to the phenomenon of ‘brain drain’ which consequently has
had a negative impact on economic growth and overall development. This flight
of skilled personnel has had the most negative impact on the health and
education systems.<o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="line-height: 107%;"><span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif; font-size: large;"><br /></span></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="line-height: 107%;"><span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif; font-size: large;">2.0 For a long time now, and especially in the wake of a deteriorating
economy, Zimbabwe has been receiving substantial support from her Diaspora.
This support has been mostly in the form of remittances to family and friends,
as well as transfers between people and organizations. <o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="line-height: 107%;"><span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif; font-size: large;"><br /></span></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="line-height: 107%;"><span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif; font-size: large;">2.1 Official figures from the Reserve Bank of Zimbabwe show
that in 2013 alone, Zimbabwe received US$1, 8 billion through money transfer
agencies and the formal banking sector, though this represents a slight decline
from the 2012 figures of around US$2, 1 billion.<o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="line-height: 107%;"><span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif; font-size: large;"><br /></span></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="line-height: 107%;"><span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif; font-size: large;">2.2 The government of Zimbabwe has as a result moved to
capitalize on this reality with manoeuvres being made to tap from this huge inflow
of funds so that the local economy benefits from Diaspora savings. <o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="line-height: 107%;"><span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif; font-size: large;"><br /></span></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="line-height: 107%;"><span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif; font-size: large;">2.3 Recently the Minister of Finance has proposed for the
government to formalize platforms for engagement with the Diaspora through the
Zimbabwe Diaspora Home Interface Programme (ZDHIP).<o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="line-height: 107%;"><span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif; font-size: large;"><br /></span></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="line-height: 107%;"><span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif; font-size: large;">2.4 This is emanating from the reality that the vast majority
of remittances to Zimbabwe by her Diaspora are not coming through official
government channels, from which the government can tap into and be able to
drive the Diaspora savings’ contribution to the national economy. <o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="line-height: 107%;"><span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif; font-size: large;"><br /></span></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="line-height: 107%;"><span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif; font-size: large;">2.5 Many cite distrust of the government by its citizens as
the main reason, especially in its (government’s) handling of the banking
sector in particular, and the economy in general. <o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="line-height: 107%;"><span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif; font-size: large;"><br /></span></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="line-height: 107%;"><span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif; font-size: large;">3.0 However, these enthusiastic manoeuvres to tap into the
contribution of the Diaspora have not been matched by equal enthusiasm to
accord the Diaspora their rights as legitimate, well-serving and patriotic
citizens of Zimbabwe.<o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="line-height: 107%;"><span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif; font-size: large;"><br /></span></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="line-height: 107%;"><span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif; font-size: large;">3.1 Of particular concern is the constant denial, despite
spirited albeit false claims by the drafters of our constitution of the
inclusion of the provision for a Diaspora vote, which does not exist in the current
national constitution.<o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="line-height: 107%;"><span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif; font-size: large;"><br /></span></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="line-height: 107%;"><span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif; font-size: large;">3.2 This contempt for the Diaspora by the regime is also
noted in the silence of key blueprints such as Zimbabwe Agenda for Sustainable
Socio-Economic Transformation (ZimAsset) which fails to capture the contribution
of the Zimbabwean Diaspora to the establishment of a genuinely sustainable socio-economic
transformation.<o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="line-height: 107%;"><span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif; font-size: large;"><br /></span></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="line-height: 107%;"><span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif; font-size: large;">3.3 Indeed, and to the contrary, we have had to listen time
and again as Zanu PF and at times government representatives pour scorn on the
Diaspora for having exercised their right to search for greener pastures
outside Zimbabwe as the economy continues to deteriorate. <o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="line-height: 107%;"><span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif; font-size: large;"><br /></span></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="line-height: 107%;"><span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif; font-size: large;">3.4 While a significant majority has left the country for
chiefly economic reasons, an almost equal proportion cite bad governance and
politics as the reason compelling their departure to other countries. Some have
genuinely fled persecution of all kind from the ruling elite as it has used
every possible trick in the book to hold on to power.<o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="line-height: 107%;"><span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif; font-size: large;"><br /></span></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="line-height: 107%;"><span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif; font-size: large;">4.0 It is the humble submission of the Committee of the
Peoples Charter (CPC) that any engagement with the Zimbabwean Diaspora
especially where it pertains to their contribution to the development of the
nation should be hinged on the genuine recognition of Zimbabweans abroad, as
full and legitimate citizens of this country, with equal rights and
opportunities as citizens resident in the country.<o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="line-height: 107%;"><span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif; font-size: large;"><br /></span></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="line-height: 107%;"><span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif; font-size: large;">4.1 The government should genuinely recognize the Diaspora as
part of our country’s demography and therefore ensure that the same rights as
enjoyed by citizens resident in the country are also accorded to and enjoyed by
the Diaspora.<o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="line-height: 107%;"><span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif; font-size: large;"><br /></span></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="line-height: 107%;"><span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif; font-size: large;">4.2 Chief among these rights is the right to be involved in
the governance of their country; this by being accorded the constitutionally
prescribed right to ‘vote in all elections and referendums’. <o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="line-height: 107%;"><span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif; font-size: large;"><br /></span></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="line-height: 107%;"><span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif; font-size: large;">4.3 There is no judicious reason for the Zimbabwean Diaspora
to be denied this fundamental right to participate in elections from which-ever
country they are resident, through the same means by which other citizens
resident, such as state employees at foreign embassies in the Diaspora are
accorded an opportunity to vote.<o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="line-height: 107%;"><span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif; font-size: large;"><br /></span></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="line-height: 107%;"><span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif; font-size: large;">4.4 The inherent right of the Diaspora to contribute to the
national economy and to the general development of the country should be
matched by the enjoyment of the Diaspora of all fundamental rights and freedoms
that are accorded to all citizens of Zimbabwe by the national constitution.<o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="line-height: 107%;"><span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif; font-size: large;"><br /></span></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="line-height: 107%;"><span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif; font-size: large;">5.0 It should be inherent upon government to ensure that it
engages with all its citizens, both within and outside the country, so that it
is primarily the needs, wishes and aspirations of these citizens that informs
national progress and development. <o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="line-height: 107%;"><span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif; font-size: large;"><br /></span></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="line-height: 107%;"><span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif; font-size: large;">5.1 This should ideally begin with the inclusive drafting of
a holistic Diaspora Policy Paper that takes into consideration the needs of all
citizens; taking into consideration the existence of both push and pull factors
influencing outward migration from Zimbabwe.<o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="line-height: 107%;"><span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif; font-size: large;"><br /></span></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="line-height: 107%;"><span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif; font-size: large;">5.2 Serious thought should be made by all stakeholders,
including government, business and civil society actors towards the formulation
of an inclusive ‘Framework for Re-engaging the Diaspora’. This should take into
consideration the diversity that exists within the Diaspora and how they also
feed into various spheres of the well-functioning of the nation state.<o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="line-height: 107%;"><span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif; font-size: large;"><br /></span></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="line-height: 107%;"><span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif; font-size: large;">5.3 Government must also take it as its chief responsibility,
to creating an environment that will encourage its citizens to stay in the
country and also more importantly encourage those outside to return, and
champion the development and progress of the nation. <o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="line-height: 107%;"><span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif; font-size: large;"><br /></span></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="line-height: 107%;"><span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif; font-size: large;">5.4 Consideration should also be put on building the
confidence and collective trust of citizens in the governance and overall
macro-economic management of the country, as basics, in retaining as well as
attracting skilled labour in both the private and public sectors.<o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="line-height: 107%;"><span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif; font-size: large;"><br /></span></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="line-height: 107%;"><span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif; font-size: large;">5.5 It should be noted that while Diaspora remittances may be
critical in supporting households and alleviating poverty in the short-term, the
return of skilled labour in both the public and private sectors can be a sure
cog in the long term economic stability and development of the country.<o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="line-height: 107%;"><span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif; font-size: large;"><br /></span></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="line-height: 107%;"><span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif; font-size: large;">5.6 It is and should be one of the government’s key
priorities to ensure that the environment in the country is sufficient to
accord all citizens, without discrimination on whatever grounds, equal
opportunities and right to self-actualization; this in pursuit of a socially
just, democratic and open society, based on the fundamental ideal of a social
democratic state, where citizens own and drive national processes, progress and
development.<o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="line-height: 107%;"><span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif; font-size: large;"><br /></span></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="line-height: 107%;"><span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif; font-size: large;"><br /></span></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<br />
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<b><span style="line-height: 107%;"><span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif;">Issued by the <u>Diaspora
and International Solidarity Committee</u> of the Committee of the Peoples
Charter</span><span style="font-size: 14pt;"><o:p></o:p></span></span></b></div>
Our Country Toohttp://www.blogger.com/profile/15835097949283298579noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-6203271665638639114.post-69338604654450049812015-06-16T01:08:00.001-07:002015-06-16T01:22:16.206-07:00The Elitist Character of Zimbabwe’s New Constitution and Understanding Our Undemocratic Contemporary Political Order<div class="MsoNormal" style="background: white; margin-bottom: 0.0001pt; text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif; font-size: large;">Committee of the Peoples Charter </span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="background: white; margin-bottom: 0.0001pt; text-align: justify;">
<h4>
<i style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif;"><span style="color: #222222; font-size: x-small;">Think. Act. Lead.</span></i></h4>
</div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="background: white; margin-bottom: 0.0001pt; text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif; font-size: large;">Position Paper Number 2</span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="background: white; margin-bottom: 0.0001pt; text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="background: white; margin-bottom: 0.0001pt; text-align: justify;">
<i style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif;"><span style="color: #222222; font-size: 16pt;">Issue Date: 15 June 2015</span></i></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="background: white; margin-bottom: 0.0001pt; text-align: justify;">
<i><span style="color: #222222; font-size: 16pt;"><span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif;"><br /></span></span></i></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="background: white; margin-bottom: 0.0001pt; text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif;"><b><span style="color: #222222; font-size: 16pt;">1.1</span></b><span style="color: #222222; font-size: 16pt;"> The
legal reality that is Zimbabwe’s new constitution, in the two years that is has
existed, was never intended as the ushering in of a new democratic era for the
country. This is despite the controversial constitutional outreach and
eventual referendum that saw 3 million people voting in favour and 178 489
voting against the supreme legal document of the country.<o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="background: white; margin-bottom: 0.0001pt; text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="background: white; margin-bottom: 0.0001pt; text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif;"><b><span style="color: #222222; font-size: 16pt;">1.2</span></b><span style="color: #222222; font-size: 16pt;"> Since
its promulgation into law following presidential assent on 22 May 2013 and its
established framework for the holding of harmonised elections on 31 July of
the same year, the new constitution has taken on its true character of being an
incremental, elitist and political power seeking document.<o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="background: white; margin-bottom: 0.0001pt; text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="background: white; margin-bottom: 0.0001pt; text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif;"><b><span style="color: #222222; font-size: 16pt;">1.3</span></b><span style="color: #222222; font-size: 16pt;"> This
is evidenced not only by its transitional clauses in relation to executive
authority, but also the fact that it has not resulted in any significant
democratic shift in the way in which the people of Zimbabwe are governed. <o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="background: white; margin-bottom: 0.0001pt; text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="background: white; margin-bottom: 0.0001pt; text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif;"><b><span style="color: #222222; font-size: 16pt;">1.4</span></b><span style="color: #222222; font-size: 16pt;"> What
it has unfortunately led to is a continuation of the concentration of power in
the hands of executive, an expansion of the institutional reach of the same
through guided devolution and decentralization of the state, a default bill of
rights that depends on state benevolence for it to be justiciable and a
parliament that serves more as a distribution of state largess than it does
democratic oversight of the executive. <o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="background: white; margin-bottom: 0.0001pt; text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="background: white; margin-bottom: 0.0001pt; text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif;"><b><span style="color: #222222; font-size: 16pt;">1.5</span></b><span style="color: #222222; font-size: 16pt;"> But
perhaps the most critically disparaging aspect of the new constitution is less
its incrementalist content and more its elite functionalism without any
indications of it being structured to deliver a new people driven democratic
culture. <o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="background: white; margin-bottom: 0.0001pt; text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="background: white; margin-bottom: 0.0001pt; text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif;"><b><span style="color: #222222; font-size: 16pt;">1.6</span></b><span style="color: #222222; font-size: 16pt;"> The
signs of the latter are to be found in the already announced intention to amend
it by the ruling Zanu PF Party. Not that constitutions cannot be amended
but to change them so soon after a national referendum betrays the actual
character of the document as one of political expediency as opposed to organic
entrenchment of democratic values and principles.<o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="background: white; margin-bottom: 0.0001pt; text-align: justify;">
<span style="color: #222222; font-size: 16pt;"><span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif;"><br /></span></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="background: white; margin-bottom: 0.0001pt; text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif;"><b><span style="color: #222222; font-size: 16pt;">1.7</span></b><span style="color: #222222; font-size: 16pt;"> It
is within this context that the new constitution cannot be viewed as people
driven, democratic or a final document that will best serve posterity. This is
argued because of the following key reasons:<o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="background: white; margin-bottom: 0.0001pt; text-align: justify;">
<span style="color: #222222; font-size: 16pt;"><span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif;"><br /></span></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="background: white; text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif;"><b><span style="color: #222222; font-size: 16pt;">a) </span></b><span style="color: #222222; font-size: 16pt;">The new constitution was a political
party compromise document that was negotiated during the tenure of the
inclusive government. This fact is perhaps what most cripples the new
constitution. Being devoid of the key political element of being established
for posterity and undermined by the political expediency that was the inclusive
government, it becomes a document that remains relevant largely to those that
at any one given point yield state power, over and above any organic social
democratic meaning to the citizens of the country.<o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="background: white; text-align: justify;">
<span style="color: #222222; font-size: 16pt;"><span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif;"><br /></span></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="background: white; text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif;"><b><span style="color: #222222; font-size: 16pt;">b) </span></b><span style="color: #222222; font-size: 16pt;">The national referendum that preceded
its promulgation, was politicized to the extent of being a dress rehearsal for
the subsequent June 2013 harmonised elections. It was therefore not just
a referendum in the broadest possible understanding of the term but a cajoling
of the Zimbabwean people to accept that which the political elite had deemed to
be correct. To this extent a great number of Zimbabweans still do not know let
alone the comprehend the full import of the new constitution. This is a
reality that underpins the fact of the elitist nature of the constitution,
despite claims by the then inclusive government that it was derived from a
people driven process.<o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="background: white; text-align: justify;">
<span style="color: #222222; font-size: 16pt;"><span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif;"><br /></span></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="background: white; text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif;"><b><span style="color: #222222; font-size: 16pt;">c) </span></b><span style="color: #222222; font-size: 16pt;">The
aftermath of both the referendum and the enactment of the new constitution have
been characterized by general government nonchalance as to the establishment of
subsidiary enabling legislation. This is largely due to not only an evident
lack of political will but the general disdain and disregard that the
government has toward its own elite document. A disdain that stems from
the fact that the new constitution is viewed as utilitarian only where and when
and concerns power and the distribution of state largess as opposed to the
advancement of ingrained democratic values into our political system and
culture. That this can occur so soon after the supreme law came into effect
demonstrates its clear disjuncture from the lived realities of the people.<o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="background: white; text-align: justify;">
<span style="color: #222222; font-size: 16pt;"><span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif;"><br /></span></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="background: white; margin-bottom: 0.0001pt; text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif;"><b><span style="color: #222222; font-size: 16pt;">1.8</span></b><span style="color: #222222; font-size: 16pt;"> It
is therefore imperative that the new constitution be placed into its full
political context so we come to an understanding as to its full import.<o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="background: white; margin-bottom: 0.0001pt; text-align: justify;">
<span style="color: #222222; font-size: 16pt;"><span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif;"><br /></span></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="background: white; margin-bottom: 0.0001pt; text-align: justify;">
<span style="color: #222222; font-size: 16pt;"><span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif;">Such context would best be encapsulated
in the following two points:<o:p></o:p></span></span><br />
<span style="color: #222222; font-size: 16pt;"><span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif;"><br /></span></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="background: white; text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif;"><span style="color: #222222; font-size: 16pt;">a) </span><span style="color: #222222; font-size: 16pt;">The new constitution, given the
undemocratic and inorganic manner of its genesis cannot be viewed as a document
that is indicative of national democratic arrival. The search for a new
democratic, people driven constitution for Zimbabwe is still a journey that
must be embarked on in a manner that includes but is not limited to political
parties in government as is the current case.<o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="background: white; text-align: justify;">
<span style="color: #222222; font-size: 16pt;"><span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif;"><br /></span></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="background: white; text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif;"><span style="color: #222222; font-size: 16pt;">b) </span><span style="color: #222222; font-size: 16pt;">That while the new constitution is a
legal reality that cannot be avoided, all Zimbabweans must remain cognizant of
its fundamental democratic inadequacies. Even if they were to get
piecemeal changes via some of its clauses, these gains would remain a far off
the mark with regard to the truly social democratic society that all
Zimbabweans regardless of age, race, colour, gender and class deserve.<o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="background: white; text-align: justify;">
<span style="color: #222222; font-size: 16pt;"><span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif;"><br /></span></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="background: white; text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif;"><span style="color: #222222; font-size: 16pt;">c)</span><span style="color: #222222; font-size: 16pt;"> </span><span style="color: #222222; font-size: 16pt;">And lastly
that in its legal reality, the new constitution, is not the panacea to our
past, current and future problems with authoritarian rule or cosmetic and
pretentious democratic governance. All Zimbabweans need to continue their
search and conscious struggle for a social democratic society despite claims by
political party leaders to a false narrative of arrival. This must be done with
full knowledge of our past mistakes as a country and for posterity.<o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="background: white; margin-bottom: 0.0001pt; text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif;"><br /></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="background: white; margin-bottom: 0.0001pt; text-align: justify;">
</div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
Our Country Toohttp://www.blogger.com/profile/15835097949283298579noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-6203271665638639114.post-41819479919792907302015-06-02T06:48:00.002-07:002015-07-03T08:56:42.586-07:00 Statement on the forcible removal of vendors<div dir="ltr" style="text-align: left;" trbidi="on">
<div class="MsoNormal">
<span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif; font-size: large;"><b><span style="line-height: 107%;">Government Not only Wrong But
Hypocritical.</span></b><span style="line-height: 107%;"><o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif; font-size: large;"><br /></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif; font-size: large;"><b><span style="line-height: 107%;">Issue Date: 2 June 2015</span></b><span style="line-height: 107%;"><o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif; font-size: large;"><br /></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif; font-size: large;"><span style="line-height: 107%;">The Committee of the Peo</span><span style="line-height: 107%;">ples Charter condemns the
recent announcement by local government minister Ignatius Chombo declaring a
seven day ultimatum for all vendors to leave the central business districts of
all cities and towns. The minister issued this statement with the endorsement
and contribution of the Joint Operations Command (JOC), a development that is
not only inappropriate but also unnecessary in order to pursue a democratic
solution to a perceived problem. <o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif; font-size: large;"><br /></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif; font-size: large;"><span style="line-height: 107%;">In their responses, and correctly so, the Zimbabwe
Informal Sector Organisation (ZISO) and the National Vendors Union Zimbabwe
(NAVU</span><span style="line-height: 107%;">Z) have described this undemocratic intent on the part of government
action as tantamount to treating a symptom and not a cause. <o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif; font-size: large;"><br /></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif; font-size: large; line-height: 107%;">They further asserted that however one views the issue
of vending in central business districts, bringing in JOC and the spectre of forcible
removal, is not going to solve the economic challenges such as unemployment and
endemic poverty that are faced by many Zimbabweans.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif; font-size: large;"><br /></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif; font-size: large; line-height: 107%;">The CPC wholly agrees with the views of ZISO and NAVUZ
and in solidarity also wishes to highlight the following:<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif; font-size: large;"><br /></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif; font-size: large; line-height: 107%;">The issue of informal trade is now an intrinsic
reality of Zimbabwe’s political economy. Wishing it away by threatening
to forcibly move vendors from our cities and towns using both the police
and army is tragically reminiscent of the repressive tendencies of the colonial
state. The latter sought to keep city/town centers not only as racial but also
economic exclusion zones from the majority poor. <o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif; font-size: large;"><br /></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif; font-size: large; line-height: 107%;">It is also intended action that reflects the
repressive tendencies of our current post independence government. It has
retained the economic apparatus and framework of the colonial state in limiting
the right of citizens to earn a decent living through elitist and neo-liberal
economic policies that favour the politically connected rich at the expense of
the majority poor. From economic blueprints such as the Economic Structural
Adjustment Programmes of the 1990s through to the present day ZimAsset, it is
clear that government is directly responsible for the current and dire national
economic state of affairs.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif; font-size: large;"><br /></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif; font-size: large; line-height: 107%;">These policies have over the years led to massive
private sector retrenchments, lack of social service delivery, unprecedented
high costs of living, repression of trade unions and the introduction of an
economic patronage system based on political affiliation. Their end
results have been the current situation in which thousands of our country’s
citizens having no choice but to undertake informal economic activities while
millions others resort to seeking greener pastures in the Diaspora.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif; font-size: large;"><br /></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif; font-size: large; line-height: 107%;">For government, through JOC, to want to arbitrarily
remove vendors from the CBD is an exercise in not only political
repression but crass hypocrisy.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif; font-size: large;"><br /></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif; font-size: large; line-height: 107%;">The CPC is of the firm view that the City of Harare
and other urban local authorities have not done enough to seek an amicable
solution to the opportunities and challenges that come with the expansion of
the informal sector within their cities. Furthermore, central government,
through the ministry of local government, by calling for forcible removal of
vendors without a comprehensive and people centered alternative plan
is demonstrating the extent to which it is not grounded in the realities
confronting a majority of urban residents countrywide. <o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif; font-size: large;"><br /></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif; font-size: large; line-height: 107%;">It is for this reason that the CPC is convinced that
government is absolutely wrong on seeking solutions in forcible removal of
vendors. What is it that must be hidden about the lived realities of the people
of Zimbabwe and from whom must it be hidden?<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif; font-size: large;"><br /></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif; font-size: large; line-height: 107%;">There are better solutions in engagement and dialogue,
processes which the relevant associations of vendors and the informal sector
have already agreed to. Businesses in the CBD must also agree that their lack
of capacity to deliver and fill in the market gap that is now occupied by the
informal sector are also reflective of larger economic challenges than mere
occupation of street corners.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif; font-size: large;"><br /></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif; font-size: large; line-height: 107%;">Above all else, local and central government are
obliged not to act in a rash and arbitrary fashion. They must address economic
challenges holistically and with an intention to address them as opposed to
excluding the poor majority from their right to earn a living. This
includes democratic engagement in good faith with all residents, vendors
unions, businesses and addressing key causes of the desperate poverty that has
made it so necessary for citizens to hawk small goods on street pavements.</span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif; font-size: large; line-height: 107%;"><br /></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif; font-size: large; line-height: 107%;"><br /></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="background-color: white; color: #222222; text-align: justify;">
<span style="color: black; font-family: Verdana, sans-serif; font-size: large; line-height: 18.3999996185303px;">Information Department</span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="background-color: white; color: #222222; text-align: justify;">
<span style="color: black; font-family: Verdana, sans-serif; font-size: large; line-height: 18.3999996185303px;"><br /></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="background-color: white; background-image: initial; background-repeat: initial; color: #222222; font-family: arial, sans-serif; font-size: 12.8000001907349px; margin-bottom: 0.0001pt; text-align: justify;">
</div>
</div>
Our Country Toohttp://www.blogger.com/profile/15835097949283298579noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-6203271665638639114.post-10862352369957463832015-05-27T01:26:00.001-07:002015-07-03T08:57:53.880-07:00By-Elections and Abuse of the Zimbabwean Constitution by Political Parties<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="color: #1f497d; font-family: Verdana, sans-serif; font-size: large;"><span style="line-height: 18.3999996185303px;"><b>Position Paper 1</b></span></span><br />
<span style="color: #1f497d; font-family: Verdana, sans-serif; font-size: large;"><span style="line-height: 18.3999996185303px;"><b><br /></b></span></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif; font-size: large; line-height: 115%;">Issued 27 May 2015<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif; font-size: large; line-height: 115%;"><br /></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif; font-size: large; line-height: 115%;">1. The Committee
of the Peoples Charter (CPC) has noted with great misgiving the development of
a culture of abusing Section 129 (1k) of the new constitution as it relates to
by-elections for Members of Parliament. This section states that the seat
of a Member of Parliament may become vacant if;<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif; font-size: large; line-height: 115%;"><br /></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif; font-size: large; line-height: 115%;">“ the Member has ceased
to belong to the political party of which he or she was a member when elected
to Parliament and the political party concerned, by written notice to the
Speaker or the President of the Senate, as the case may be, has declared that
the member has ceased to do so’<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif; font-size: large; line-height: 115%;"><br /></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif; font-size: large; line-height: 115%;">It is this section that
has occasioned at least 19 constituency by-elections in Zimbabwe thus far into
the tenure of this current Parliament. <o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif; font-size: large; line-height: 115%;"><br /></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif; font-size: large; line-height: 115%;">1.2 While the CPC holds
no brief for political parties it is important that given the context of
political party factionalism in both opposition and ruling parties be these
unfortunate political developments be placed and analysed through social
democratic lenses and national context.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif; font-size: large; line-height: 115%;"><br /></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif; font-size: large; line-height: 115%;">In a constituency based
and largely ‘first past the post’ system such as ours ‘by-elections’ are
democratic processes that would usually occur in the event of the resignation
or death of a sitting Member of Parliament.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif; font-size: large; line-height: 115%;"><br /></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif; font-size: large; line-height: 115%;">1.3 In terms of the
same Section 129 of the new constitution, by-elections can also occur where a
sitting Member of Parliament: <o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif; font-size: large; line-height: 115%;"><br /></span></div>
<div class="MsoListParagraphCxSpFirst" style="mso-list: l0 level1 lfo1; text-align: justify; text-indent: -.25in;">
<!--[if !supportLists]--><span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif; font-size: large;"><span style="line-height: 115%;">ü<span style="font-stretch: normal; line-height: normal;"> </span></span><!--[endif]--><span style="line-height: 115%;">ceases
to be a registered voter,<o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
<div class="MsoListParagraphCxSpFirst" style="mso-list: l0 level1 lfo1; text-align: justify; text-indent: -.25in;">
<span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif; font-size: large; line-height: 115%;"><br /></span></div>
<div class="MsoListParagraphCxSpMiddle" style="mso-list: l0 level1 lfo1; text-align: justify; text-indent: -.25in;">
<!--[if !supportLists]--><span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif; font-size: large;"><span style="line-height: 115%;">ü<span style="font-stretch: normal; line-height: normal;"> </span></span><!--[endif]--><span style="line-height: 115%;">is
absent without leave for 21 consecutive days from either house<o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
<div class="MsoListParagraphCxSpMiddle" style="mso-list: l0 level1 lfo1; text-align: justify; text-indent: -.25in;">
<span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif; font-size: large; line-height: 115%;"><br /></span></div>
<div class="MsoListParagraphCxSpMiddle" style="mso-list: l0 level1 lfo1; text-align: justify; text-indent: -.25in;">
<!--[if !supportLists]--><span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif; font-size: large;"><span style="line-height: 115%;">ü<span style="font-stretch: normal; line-height: normal;"> </span></span><!--[endif]--><span style="line-height: 115%;">becomes
president or vice president of the country;<o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
<div class="MsoListParagraphCxSpMiddle" style="mso-list: l0 level1 lfo1; text-align: justify; text-indent: -.25in;">
<span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif; font-size: large; line-height: 115%;"><br /></span></div>
<div class="MsoListParagraphCxSpMiddle" style="mso-list: l0 level1 lfo1; text-align: justify; text-indent: -.25in;">
<!--[if !supportLists]--><span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif; font-size: large;"><span style="line-height: 115%;">ü<span style="font-stretch: normal; line-height: normal;"> </span></span><!--[endif]--><span style="line-height: 115%;">becomes
a Speaker or President of the National Assembly and Senate respectively <o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
<div class="MsoListParagraphCxSpMiddle" style="mso-list: l0 level1 lfo1; text-align: justify; text-indent: -.25in;">
<span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif; font-size: large; line-height: 115%;"><br /></span></div>
<div class="MsoListParagraphCxSpMiddle" style="mso-list: l0 level1 lfo1; text-align: justify; text-indent: -.25in;">
<!--[if !supportLists]--><span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif; font-size: large;"><span style="line-height: 115%;">ü<span style="font-stretch: normal; line-height: normal;"> </span></span><!--[endif]--><span style="line-height: 115%;">is
convicted of a criminal offence<o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
<div class="MsoListParagraphCxSpMiddle" style="mso-list: l0 level1 lfo1; text-align: justify; text-indent: -.25in;">
<span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif; font-size: large; line-height: 115%;"><br /></span></div>
<div class="MsoListParagraphCxSpMiddle" style="mso-list: l0 level1 lfo1; text-align: justify; text-indent: -.25in;">
<!--[if !supportLists]--><span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif; font-size: large;"><span style="line-height: 115%;">ü<span style="font-stretch: normal; line-height: normal;"> </span></span><!--[endif]--><span style="line-height: 115%;">is
declared insolvent<o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
<div class="MsoListParagraphCxSpMiddle" style="mso-list: l0 level1 lfo1; text-align: justify; text-indent: -.25in;">
<span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif; font-size: large; line-height: 115%;"><br /></span></div>
<div class="MsoListParagraphCxSpLast" style="mso-list: l0 level1 lfo1; text-align: justify; text-indent: -.25in;">
<!--[if !supportLists]--><span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif; font-size: large;"><span style="line-height: 115%;">ü<span style="font-stretch: normal; line-height: normal;"> </span></span><!--[endif]--><span style="line-height: 115%;">takes
up other public office roles (parastatals, provincial councils)<o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
<div class="MsoListParagraphCxSpLast" style="mso-list: l0 level1 lfo1; text-align: justify; text-indent: -.25in;">
<span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif; font-size: large; line-height: 115%;"><br /></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif; font-size: large; line-height: 115%;">1.4 Some of these
provisions have been used sparingly in the current tenure of the current
Parliament. Examples include the passing away of members of Parliament,
the appointment of one Member of Parliament to the post of vice president and
the removal of another from the same post after the 2013 harmonised general
election.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif; font-size: large; line-height: 115%;"><br /></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif; font-size: large; line-height: 115%;">They have however been
utilized with at an alarmingly disproportionate rate to the above cited
examples where and when it applies with subsection (k) in relation to political
parties writing letters to the speaker or president of the senate. <o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif; font-size: large; line-height: 115%;"><br /></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif; font-size: large; line-height: 115%;">It is a development
that has led to the holding of at least 19 by elections for constituency
members of the National Assembly and the Senate. It has also affected
proportional representation members of both houses.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif; font-size: large; line-height: 115%;"><br /></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif; font-size: large; line-height: 115%;">1.5 The CPC views these
developments as cases of abuse of the constitution by political parties that
are still represented in Parliament. At an estimated cost of US$36
million as given by the Zimbabwe Electoral Commission (ZEC), these by-elections
are not only an unnecessary drain on meagre resources that the country does not
have but are an inherent abuse of state resources to essentially settle
internal and personal scores as they derive from leaders of political
parties. <o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif; font-size: large; line-height: 115%;"><br /></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif; font-size: large; line-height: 115%;">1.6 These resources can
and could have been used to refurbish dilapidated public infrastructure,
provide desperately needed medicines or at the very least contributed to
the payment of the Basic Education Assistance Model (BEAM) deficits that are
affecting disadvantaged school children. <o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif; font-size: large; line-height: 115%;"><br /></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif; font-size: large; line-height: 115%;">1.7 Furthermore, the
lack of absolute necessity of these elections caused by factionalism in
political parties has essentially led to the country being in perpetual
election mode for parliamentary seats that do not affect the nature or effect
of executive authority in Zimbabwe.</span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif; font-size: large; line-height: 115%;"><br /></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif; font-size: large; line-height: 115%;">This is to say, they have no direct bearing
or cliff-hanger effect on the composition of Parliament or the structure of
government. They serve more to reconfigure internal party politics than
the public democratic interest. <o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif; font-size: large; line-height: 115%;"><br /></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif; font-size: large; line-height: 115%;">1.8 For political
parties to continue to subject voters to elections that are not based on
democratic principles but a positivist reading of the law to serve their
internal problems point to the sad reality that political party constitutions
and internal processes are what really matter in Parliament. This as
opposed to the functions of the legislature as outlined in Chapter 6 (Part 6)
of the constitution.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif; font-size: large; line-height: 115%;"><br /></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif; font-size: large; line-height: 115%;">1.9 While all
Zimbabweans have the right to associate and vote for leaders of their choice,
it would be a sad day for the future of our continually struggling democracy
if political parties treated the people and the electorate as canon-
fodder every time internal party disputes arise.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif; font-size: large; line-height: 115%;"><br /></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif; font-size: large; line-height: 115%;">2.0 It is therefore the
firm view of the CPC that while these by-elections may be permissible at law,
they are however evidence of an undemocratic culture of entitlement by
political parties, especially where this is done through attempting to solve
internal party disputes via national institutions and processes at great
economic and democratic cost to the country. <o:p></o:p></span><br />
<span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif; font-size: large;"><span style="line-height: 115%;"><br /></span>
<span style="line-height: 18.3999996185303px;">Issued by the CPC Information Department</span></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="background: white; margin-bottom: 0.0001pt; text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif; font-size: large;"><br /></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="background: white; margin-bottom: 0.0001pt; text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif; font-size: large;"><br /></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
</div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif; font-size: large;"><br /></span></div>
<span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif; font-size: large;"><br />
</span><br />
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
Our Country Toohttp://www.blogger.com/profile/15835097949283298579noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-6203271665638639114.post-10313613459579038952015-05-22T04:19:00.001-07:002015-07-03T08:58:51.759-07:00 STATEMENT ON AFRICA DAY<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span lang="EN-ZA" style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif; font-size: large; line-height: 107%;">Issued
22 May 2015<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span lang="EN-ZA" style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif; font-size: large; line-height: 107%;"><br /></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span lang="EN-ZA" style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif; font-size: large; line-height: 107%;">The
Committee of the Peoples Charter (CPC) joins the African community and her Diaspora
in commemorating Africa Day. This year’s commemorations are held under the
theme: <i>2015 and Beyond: Engaging Agenda 2063</i>.</span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span lang="EN-ZA" style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif; font-size: large; line-height: 107%;"><br /></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif; font-size: large;"><span lang="EN-ZA" style="line-height: 107%;"><o:p></o:p></span><span lang="EN-ZA" style="line-height: 107%;">On
this day the CPC salutes the selfless sacrifice made by the African people and
their leadership, (living and departed) in ridding the continent of slavery,
colonialism and apartheid in an endeavour to make Africa a better continent for
all who live on it.<o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span lang="EN-ZA" style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif; font-size: large; line-height: 107%;"><br /></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span lang="EN-ZA" style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif; font-size: large; line-height: 107%;">Today
we stand guided by the commitment made by our leaders in the drafting and
actualization of <b>Agenda 2063: A vision
for the Africa we want</b>, as an important and critical step in addressing the
myriad of challenges afflicting the continent. <o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span lang="EN-ZA" style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif; font-size: large; line-height: 107%;"><br /></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span lang="EN-ZA" style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif; font-size: large; line-height: 107%;">Agenda
2063 is premised mainly on the development of the African continent
through the ability of the African citizenry and
governments to put mobilization and ownership of continental programmes at the
core. It is also driven by the principle
of self-reliance of the continent in financing its own development; the importance
on capable, inclusive and accountable states and institutions at all levels and
in all spheres, the critical role of Regional Economic Communities as building
blocks for continental unity, and holding ourselves and our governments and
institutions accountable for results.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span lang="EN-ZA" style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif; font-size: large; line-height: 107%;">Agenda
2063 lays down seven important aspirations in pursuit of the Africa we want as
follows:<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span lang="EN-ZA" style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif; font-size: large; line-height: 107%;"><br /></span></div>
<div class="MsoListParagraphCxSpFirst" style="mso-list: l0 level1 lfo1; text-align: justify; text-indent: -.25in;">
<!--[if !supportLists]--><span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif; font-size: large;"><span lang="EN-ZA" style="line-height: 107%;">1)<span style="font-stretch: normal; line-height: normal;"> </span></span><!--[endif]--><span lang="EN-ZA" style="line-height: 107%;">A
prosperous Africa based on inclusive growth and sustainable development<o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
<div class="MsoListParagraphCxSpFirst" style="mso-list: l0 level1 lfo1; text-align: justify; text-indent: -.25in;">
<span lang="EN-ZA" style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif; font-size: large; line-height: 107%;"><br /></span></div>
<div class="MsoListParagraphCxSpMiddle" style="mso-list: l0 level1 lfo1; text-align: justify; text-indent: -.25in;">
<!--[if !supportLists]--><span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif; font-size: large;"><span lang="EN-ZA" style="line-height: 107%;">2)<span style="font-stretch: normal; line-height: normal;"> </span></span><!--[endif]--><span lang="EN-ZA" style="line-height: 107%;">An
integrated continent, politically united and based on the ideals of Pan Africanism
and the vision of Africa’s Renaissance<o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
<div class="MsoListParagraphCxSpMiddle" style="mso-list: l0 level1 lfo1; text-align: justify; text-indent: -.25in;">
<span lang="EN-ZA" style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif; font-size: large; line-height: 107%;"><br /></span></div>
<div class="MsoListParagraphCxSpMiddle" style="mso-list: l0 level1 lfo1; text-align: justify; text-indent: -.25in;">
<!--[if !supportLists]--><span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif; font-size: large;"><span lang="EN-ZA" style="line-height: 107%;">3)<span style="font-stretch: normal; line-height: normal;"> </span></span><!--[endif]--><span lang="EN-ZA" style="line-height: 107%;">An
Africa of good governance, democracy, respect for human rights, justice and the
rule of law<o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
<div class="MsoListParagraphCxSpMiddle" style="mso-list: l0 level1 lfo1; text-align: justify; text-indent: -.25in;">
<span lang="EN-ZA" style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif; font-size: large; line-height: 107%;"><br /></span></div>
<div class="MsoListParagraphCxSpMiddle" style="mso-list: l0 level1 lfo1; text-align: justify; text-indent: -.25in;">
<!--[if !supportLists]--><span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif; font-size: large;"><span lang="EN-ZA" style="line-height: 107%;">4)<span style="font-stretch: normal; line-height: normal;"> </span></span><!--[endif]--><span lang="EN-ZA" style="line-height: 107%;">A
peaceful and secure Africa<o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
<div class="MsoListParagraphCxSpMiddle" style="mso-list: l0 level1 lfo1; text-align: justify; text-indent: -.25in;">
<span lang="EN-ZA" style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif; font-size: large; line-height: 107%;"><br /></span></div>
<div class="MsoListParagraphCxSpMiddle" style="mso-list: l0 level1 lfo1; text-align: justify; text-indent: -.25in;">
<!--[if !supportLists]--><span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif; font-size: large;"><span lang="EN-ZA" style="line-height: 107%;">5)<span style="font-stretch: normal; line-height: normal;"> </span></span><!--[endif]--><span lang="EN-ZA" style="line-height: 107%;">An
Africa with a strong cultural identity, common heritage, values and ethics<o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
<div class="MsoListParagraphCxSpMiddle" style="mso-list: l0 level1 lfo1; text-align: justify; text-indent: -.25in;">
<span lang="EN-ZA" style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif; font-size: large; line-height: 107%;"><br /></span></div>
<div class="MsoListParagraphCxSpMiddle" style="mso-list: l0 level1 lfo1; text-align: justify; text-indent: -.25in;">
<!--[if !supportLists]--><span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif; font-size: large;"><span lang="EN-ZA" style="line-height: 107%;">6)<span style="font-stretch: normal; line-height: normal;"> </span></span><!--[endif]--><span lang="EN-ZA" style="line-height: 107%;">An
Africa where development is people-driven, unleashing the potential of its
women and youth<o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
<div class="MsoListParagraphCxSpMiddle" style="mso-list: l0 level1 lfo1; text-align: justify; text-indent: -.25in;">
<span lang="EN-ZA" style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif; font-size: large; line-height: 107%;"><br /></span></div>
<div class="MsoListParagraphCxSpLast" style="mso-list: l0 level1 lfo1; text-align: justify; text-indent: -.25in;">
<!--[if !supportLists]--><span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif; font-size: large;"><span lang="EN-ZA" style="line-height: 107%;">7)<span style="font-stretch: normal; line-height: normal;"> </span></span><!--[endif]--><span lang="EN-ZA" style="line-height: 107%;">Africa
as a strong, united and influential global player and partner<o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
<div class="MsoListParagraphCxSpLast" style="mso-list: l0 level1 lfo1; text-align: justify; text-indent: -.25in;">
<span lang="EN-ZA" style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif; font-size: large; line-height: 107%;"><br /></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span lang="EN-ZA" style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif; font-size: large; line-height: 107%;">Today
gives us the opportunity to take stock and reflect on the strides and
endeavours made by our leaders, as individual member states and as a collective
in pursuit of these aspirations. <o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span lang="EN-ZA" style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif; font-size: large; line-height: 107%;"><br /></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span lang="EN-ZA" style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif; font-size: large; line-height: 107%;">Of
note is the effort made towards the attainment of the aspiration<i> </i>of good governance, democracy, and
respect for human rights, justice and the rule of law. This aspiration is the
cornerstone to the attainment of Agenda 2063, but that continues to get little
regard from the continents leadership as corruption, civil wars, human rights
abuse and acts of terrorism continue unabated.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span lang="EN-ZA" style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif; font-size: large; line-height: 107%;"><br /></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span lang="EN-ZA" style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif; font-size: large; line-height: 107%;">In
Zimbabwe today, the state of the nation is a far cry from the aforementioned
aspirations, as evidenced by the growing gap between the haves and have-nots,
the poor and the rich and more importantly the electorate and the elected. It
seems today that public office is no longer there to serve the people but has
become an instrument to ensure only those with the political connections continue
to have space at the feeding trough. This, unfortunately, is a far cry from the
ideal of equal opportunities that drove the 33 independent states that met in
1963 to form the Organization of African Unity (OAU), today known as the
African Union (AU). <o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span lang="EN-ZA" style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif; font-size: large; line-height: 107%;"><br /></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span lang="EN-ZA" style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif; font-size: large; line-height: 107%;">The
CPC takes the occasion of Africa Day 2015, to remind the government of Zimbabwe
of the commitment it has made, together with other African states, in pursuit
of Agenda 2063. The Committee particularly implores on the government to
seriously consider the state of the national economy, as it thrives to ensure
that all citizens are given an equal opportunity to self-actualization without
a bias of political affiliation, race, ethnicity or religion. </span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span lang="EN-ZA" style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif; font-size: large; line-height: 107%;"><br /></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span lang="EN-ZA" style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif; font-size: large; line-height: 107%;">More so, the
government should take reasonable measures to ensure that development is
people-driven, unleashes the potential of women and youth, as equal partners
and stakeholders in the sustainable development of our beautiful nation.<a href="https://www.blogger.com/null" name="_GoBack"></a><o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif;"><br /></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<b><span lang="EN-ZA" style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif; font-size: 12pt; line-height: 107%;">Issued by the CPC Information Department</span></b></div>
Our Country Toohttp://www.blogger.com/profile/15835097949283298579noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-6203271665638639114.post-44521942961320967802015-04-30T05:00:00.001-07:002015-07-03T08:59:44.646-07:00 WORKERS DAY STATEMENT<div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-top: 12.0pt;">
<span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif; font-size: large; line-height: 115%;">Issue Date: 30 April 2015</span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-top: 12.0pt; text-align: justify;">
<span lang="EN-US" style="line-height: 115%;"><span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif; font-size: large;">The
Committee of the Peoples Charter (CPC) joins the rest of the world in
commemorating the May Day. This year’s Workers Day commemorations come at a
time when workers, both formal and informal are grappling with immeasurable challenges,
notably receding employment opportunities, slave wages below the poverty line,
all a result of a declining economy.<o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-top: 12.0pt; text-align: justify;">
<span lang="EN-US" style="line-height: 115%;"><span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif; font-size: large;">The
CPC notes the current economic reality of Zimbabwe suggests a scenario where
formal employment numbers are drastically dropping each month and currently
only an estimated 15% of Zimbabweans are formally employed. <o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-top: 12.0pt; text-align: justify;">
<span lang="EN-US" style="line-height: 115%;"><span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif; font-size: large;">This
reality has mutilated the economy to an extent where the majority of those
pushed out of formal employment and the unemployed have resorted to vending.<o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-top: 12.0pt; text-align: justify;">
<span lang="EN-US" style="line-height: 115%;"><span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif; font-size: large;">This
development is against the backdrop of the government failing to fulfill its
electoral promise to create 2, 2 million jobs by 2018 under its much vaunted economic
blueprint Zimbabwe Agenda for Sustainable Socio-Economic Transformation
(ZimAsset).<o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-top: 12.0pt; text-align: justify;">
<span lang="EN-US" style="line-height: 115%;"><span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif; font-size: large;">With
an average 250 000 scholars leaving our high schools and tertiary institutions
each year, the unemployment situation is very dire for young people. <o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-top: 12.0pt; text-align: justify;">
<span lang="EN-US" style="line-height: 115%;"><span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif; font-size: large;">The
CPC also notes with the concern the government's intention to legislate Labour
Flexibility which will among other things link remuneration to productivity,
making it easier for employers to hire and fire employees and fundamentally
reduce all employment to casual labour.<o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-top: 12.0pt; text-align: justify;">
<span lang="EN-US" style="line-height: 115%;"><span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif; font-size: large;">This
is against the aspirations of the majority of Zimbabwean workers and a clear
sign that the government has completely departed from the social democratic
norms to protecting capital and employers at the detriment of the poor and
workers.<o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-top: 12.0pt; text-align: justify;">
<span lang="EN-US" style="line-height: 115%;"><span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif; font-size: large;">If
implemented, this will erode employee rights as new capital and foreign investors
especially Chinese would literally reduce local labour into slaves as workers will simply be fired
or only hired on short term contracts, thus denying them social protection in
their old age.<o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-top: 12.0pt; text-align: justify;">
<span lang="EN-US" style="line-height: 115%;"><span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif; font-size: large;">It
is important to note on this day that the responsibility to provide jobs and a
meaningful livelihood option for citizens lies primarily with the state. <o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-top: 12.0pt; text-align: justify;">
<span lang="EN-US" style="line-height: 115%;"><span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif; font-size: large;">As
the custodian of all national resources, both natural and man-made, the
government ought to be the chief propagator of access to opportunities for its
citizens, key of which is a sustainable livelihood. <o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-top: 12.0pt; text-align: justify;">
<span lang="EN-US" style="line-height: 115%;"><span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif; font-size: large;">Fair
labour standards must be applied and this should include a living minimum wage
linked to inflation and poverty datum line, living pension and security
allowances for all retirees and the elderly.
This should suffice for both public and private sector workers. If our workers get a living wage, then other
attendant issues such as health care, education, housing, access to water and
sanitation can become a reality. <o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-top: 12.0pt; text-align: justify;">
<span lang="EN-US" style="line-height: 115%;"><span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif; font-size: large;">The
CPC urges the present government to take the plight of workers and the general
citizenry seriously, and to show greater commitment to creating an economy and
attendant conditions that are favourable to the workers and the general
citizenry. <o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-top: 12.0pt; text-align: justify;">
<span lang="EN-US" style="line-height: 115%;"><span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif; font-size: large;">Policy
inconsistency remains a major challenge with our government, a factor that
continues to hamper meaningful foreign direct investment that can resuscitate
our comatose economy. This is exacerbated by rampant corruption in the public
and private sectors which again continues to hamper development.<o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-top: 12.0pt; text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif; font-size: large;"><a href="https://www.blogger.com/null" name="_GoBack"></a><span lang="EN-US" style="line-height: 115%;">The government should seriously consider
the full functionality of the tripartite negotiating forum, in pursuit of a
binding social contract to take the economy and country forward. The onus is
also upon the workers, including those in the largely dominant informal sector
to organize themselves and to demand amenable working conditions and policies
that can drive our country forward, in pursuit of a socially just and
prosperous Zimbabwe. <o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="background: white; margin-bottom: 0.0001pt; text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif; font-size: large;"><br /></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="background: white; margin-bottom: 0.0001pt; text-align: justify;">
<b><span lang="EN-US" style="color: #222222;"><span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif; font-size: large;">Issued by the CPC Information
Department <o:p></o:p></span></span></b></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="margin-top: 12.0pt;">
<span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif; font-size: large;"><br /></span></div>
<span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif;"><span style="font-size: large;"><br /></span>
</span><br />
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Our Country Toohttp://www.blogger.com/profile/15835097949283298579noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-6203271665638639114.post-47377186050489392932015-04-17T03:49:00.000-07:002015-07-03T09:00:35.727-07:00STATEMENT ON THE 35TH ANNIVERSARY OF ZIMBABWE’S NATIONAL INDEPENDENCE<div class="MsoNormal" style="background: white; margin-bottom: 0.0001pt; text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif; font-size: large;"><br /></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="background: white; margin-bottom: 0.0001pt; text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif; font-size: large;"><span style="color: #222222; font-family: "Arial","sans-serif"; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-ZW;"> </span><span style="color: #222222;">Issue Date: 17 April 2015</span></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="background: white; margin-bottom: 0.0001pt; text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif; font-size: large;"><br /></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="background: white; margin-bottom: 0.0001pt; text-align: justify;">
<span style="color: #222222; font-family: Verdana, sans-serif; font-size: large;">The Committee of the Peoples Charter (CPC) joins all Zimbabweans in
commemorating the 35<sup>th</sup> anniversary of our national
independence. In our commemorations, we not only remember the tremendous
sacrifices of all the people of Zimbabwe including our war veterans, war
collaborators, fathers, mothers, brothers and sisters. We also remember
the selflessness shown by our African brothers and sisters in directly
assisting us to not only conduct our struggle for independence but for not
wavering in their solidarity in the most trying of circumstances.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="background: white; margin-bottom: 0.0001pt; text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif; font-size: large;"><br /></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="background: white; margin-bottom: 0.0001pt; text-align: justify;">
<span style="color: #222222; font-family: Verdana, sans-serif; font-size: large;">In the 35 years that Zimbabwe has been independent, the ideals of
liberation struggle, inclusive of a better life for all, land redistribution,
human rights and universal suffrage have been eroded by corruption, political
repression, elitist capitalism and a political leadership with an undemocratic
sense of entitlement to the state. <o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="background: white; margin-bottom: 0.0001pt; text-align: justify;">
<span style="color: #222222; font-family: Verdana, sans-serif; font-size: large;"> <o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="background: white; margin-bottom: 0.0001pt; text-align: justify;">
<span style="color: #222222; font-family: Verdana, sans-serif; font-size: large;">This entitlement by the ruling party has given the false impression that
it is only by association with it that one can attain a fulfilling existence as
a citizen of Zimbabwe. <o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="background: white; margin-bottom: 0.0001pt; text-align: justify;">
<span style="color: #222222; font-family: Verdana, sans-serif; font-size: large;">Those that have opposed the ruling party have unfortunately also taken
up the same characteristics even if they do not yield state power.
Contrary to the ideals of the liberation struggle, they have sought to
continuously pursue personal wealth at the expense of people centred and
organic democratic leadership. To this extent they too have compromised
the ideals and values of the liberation struggle while hypocritically accusing
their rivals of doing the same.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="background: white; margin-bottom: 0.0001pt; text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif; font-size: large;"><br /></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="background: white; margin-bottom: 0.0001pt; text-align: justify;">
<span style="color: #222222; font-family: Verdana, sans-serif; font-size: large;">This year’s independence anniversary occurs within the context of an
economy that is insensitive to the needs of the majority poor, does not support
innovation and stymies the ambitions of the working people of Zimbabwe. Social
services such as decent public health, public education, public transport,
access to telecommunications technology remain beyond the reach of many.
The albatross of unemployment haunts the young people of Zimbabwe to the extent
that most of them seek first to leave the country than to find a bright future
in it.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="background: white; margin-bottom: 0.0001pt; text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif; font-size: large;"><br /></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="background: white; margin-bottom: 0.0001pt; text-align: justify;">
<span style="color: #222222; font-family: Verdana, sans-serif; font-size: large;">Zimbabwe’s Diaspora continues to be left out in the cold without any
structured overtures to invest revenue generated from its remittances in the
development of the country. Furthermore, the lack of a direct interaction
between the Diaspora and government has led to other countries treating people
of Zimbabwean origin with not only disdain but tragic violence motivated by
xenophobia.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="background: white; margin-bottom: 0.0001pt; text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif; font-size: large;"><br /></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="background: white; margin-bottom: 0.0001pt; text-align: justify;">
<span style="color: #222222; font-family: Verdana, sans-serif; font-size: large;">The new constitution that is now two years old has again become the
subject of direct abuse by political parties as and when they deem fit.
From proposals to amend it that have been reported in the mainstream media,
through to abuses of clauses on the recall of Members of Parliament to settle
politician scores, the constitution has proven to be more a power sharing
document between political parties than it is embedded in a people driven
democratic culture.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="background: white; margin-bottom: 0.0001pt; text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif; font-size: large;"><br /></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="background: white; margin-bottom: 0.0001pt; text-align: justify;">
<span style="color: #222222; font-family: Verdana, sans-serif; font-size: large;">The CPC however notes that the flame of independence is however not
doused. Where there is adherence to social democratic values, principles
and leadership that is guided more by posterity than self aggrandizement, the
ideals of our national independence can be transformed into reality. In
this vein, the CPC urges all Zimbabweans, of all races, ages and religions, to
continue to believe in the attainability of the values of our national
independence. But only if all us, together, think, act and lead.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif; font-size: large;"><br /></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="background: white; margin-bottom: 0.0001pt; text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif; font-size: large;"><span style="color: #222222;"> </span><span style="color: #222222;">Issued by the CPC Information Department. </span></span></div>
<span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif;"><br /></span>
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Our Country Toohttp://www.blogger.com/profile/15835097949283298579noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-6203271665638639114.post-67492176437115379532014-05-30T05:54:00.002-07:002015-07-03T09:01:41.031-07:00CPC mourns a revolutionary fighter -Cde Dzino<h3>
</h3>
<span lang="EN-ZA" style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif; font-size: large; line-height: 115%; mso-ansi-language: EN-ZA;">The Committee of the Peoples Charter(CPC)is deeply saddened
by the demise of a liberation icon, Comrade Wilfred Mhanda better known by his
liberation name Cde Dzinashe Mchingura.</span><br />
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif; font-size: large;"><br /></span>
<span lang="EN-ZA" style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif; font-size: large; line-height: 115%; mso-ansi-language: EN-ZA;">The CPC sends
its heartfelt condolences to the family, friends and comrades of our
fallen revolutionary, to our national liberation, to our country as a whole. </span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif; font-size: large;"><br /></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span lang="EN-ZA" style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif; font-size: large; line-height: 115%; mso-ansi-language: EN-ZA;">We remember Cde Dzino for his involvement at the
Peoples Convention of 2008 that produced the Zimbabwe Peoples Charter-authored
by other social movements as a vehicle to attaining a social democratic country.
</span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif; font-size: large;"><br /></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span lang="EN-ZA" style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif; font-size: large; line-height: 115%; mso-ansi-language: EN-ZA;">He was one of the best military Commanders during the
war of liberation. Indeed, Cde Dzino was
an embodiment of our revolutionary struggle for independence. </span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif; font-size: large;"><br /></span>
<span lang="EN-ZA" style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif; font-size: large; line-height: 115%; mso-ansi-language: EN-ZA;">Your legacy will continue and live on in the hearts
and minds of the many cadres you have inspired to consciousness and a servant
leadership of the people.</span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif; font-size: large;"><br /></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span lang="EN-ZA" style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif; font-size: large; line-height: 115%; mso-ansi-language: EN-ZA;">You indeed served our country well.</span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif; font-size: large;"><br /></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span lang="EN-ZA" style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif; font-size: large; line-height: 115%; mso-ansi-language: EN-ZA;">May his fighting spirit live on!</span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif; font-size: large;"><br /></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span lang="EN-ZA" style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif; font-size: large; line-height: 115%; mso-ansi-language: EN-ZA;"><b>Information Department </b></span></div>
Our Country Toohttp://www.blogger.com/profile/15835097949283298579noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-6203271665638639114.post-83811652830933772152014-04-18T08:20:00.000-07:002015-07-03T09:03:48.314-07:00NOTES ON THIRTY-FOUR YEARS OF ZIMBABWE’S INDEPENDENCE TOWARD A SOCIAL DEMOCRATIC FUTURE<div style="border: medium none; padding: 0in 0in 4pt;">
<div class="MsoTitle">
<h3>
<span style="font-size: large; line-height: 150%; text-align: center;"><span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif;">18
April 2014</span></span></h3>
</div>
</div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 150%;">
<span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif; font-size: large;"><b><span style="line-height: 150%;">Contributors</span></b><span style="line-height: 150%;">: David Chidende, Blessing Vava, Prince Tongogara, Takura Zhangazha<o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 150%;">
<span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif; font-size: large;"><b><span style="line-height: 150%;">Contact Details</span></b><span style="line-height: 150%;">: <a href="mailto:committeeofpeoplescharter@gmail.com">committeeofpeoplescharter@gmail.com</a></span></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 150%;">
<span style="font-size: large;"><b style="line-height: 150%;"><span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif; line-height: 150%;">Zimbabwe@34: Base, Superstructure and Democratic Posterity</span></b></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 150%;">
<span style="font-size: large;"><i style="line-height: 150%;"><span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif; line-height: 150%;">By Takura Zhangazha </span></i></span><br />
<span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif; font-size: large; line-height: 150%;">Considerations on Zimbabwe’s independence rarely acknowledge
the significant role the success of the liberation struggle owed to Socialism/Marxism.
Both as an ideological premise as well as a pragmatic tool of linking ideals
with the harsh realities of waging a protracted people’s war. Its
key contribution was the accentuation of a critical national consciousness. As
the liberation war expanded, so did structural analysis of the state that was
being supplanted as well as its envisioned replacement. </span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 150%;">
<span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif; font-size: large; line-height: 150%;">While the same ideological pretext was never organically
intertwined within our political culture or structures of the state, analyzing Zimbabwe’s
34 years of independence would take a much more serious perspective if the one
time ubiquitous ‘base and superstructure’ Marxian analysis were to be applied
in the contemporary. </span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 150%;">
<span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif; font-size: large; line-height: 150%;">Because the base and superstructure theory relates largely to
an understanding that every society has a foundation upon which all else is structured,
in these mid 30s years of Zimbabwe’s existence, it would be trite to borrow
this specific assumption on the basis of the departure point that was 1980.</span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 150%;">
<span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif; font-size: large; line-height: 150%;">It was one characterized by a base that was the settler state’s
racist and intrinsically capitalist economic mode of production. <o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 150%;">
<span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif;"><br /></span>
<span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif; font-size: large; line-height: 150%;">Granted, no departure is clean cut. Previous journeys always inform
the next one. In our country’s case, as has been ably demonstrated both by politicians
(of all hues, socialists, capitalists, communists) we realized the harsh
reality that we could not shake off the structure of the colonial state.</span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 150%;">
<span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif; font-size: large; line-height: 150%;">Not only because the Lancaster House ceasefire agreement had
an 8 year moratorium on changing settler state land ownership patterns or the
electoral system. But also because,
while the liberation struggle was both painful and historic, its victory was
not going to be succeeded by utopia. <o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 150%;">
<span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif; font-size: large;"><br /></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 150%;">
<span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif; font-size: large; line-height: 150%;">But the political ‘base’
had been established by way of its intentions, its execution and the popular expectations
of the majority of Zimbabweans. <o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 150%;">
<span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif; font-size: large;"><br /></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 150%;">
<span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif; font-size: large; line-height: 150%;">What was however to become more urgent was to construct a
political-economic superstructure that would succeed that of the Rhodesian
settler state. In building this
different and democratic superstructure to the base that was independence, the
ruling party made the political mistake of not being visionary enough. Or
alternatively, failed to adequately and democratically plan for what was
coming. </span><br />
<span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif; font-size: large; line-height: 150%;">It emphasized more the political
than the holistic basis of Zimbabwe’s independence. This holistic basis would
have entailed organic linkages between the politics, the mainstream economy and
the sociology of Zimbabwe. <o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 150%;">
<span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif; font-size: large;"><br /></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 150%;">
<span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif; font-size: large; line-height: 150%;">What we have had, as we have progressed to the 34 years that
we now commemorate, is a country that has forgotten its base and reinvented a superstructure
that feeds an elitist and corrupt political economy. <o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 150%;">
<span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif; font-size: large;"><br /></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 150%;">
<span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif; font-size: large; line-height: 150%;">One that does not ask if the people have access to basic
socio-economic rights (water, health, education, transport, housing). And with a political leadership that lives in
the moment. By doing so, it has
forgotten the base and subverted the superstructure. Its singular consistency
has been the popular but inorganic mandate of reminding the masses of the
historicity of independence without marrying it to the contemporary. <o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 150%;">
<span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif; font-size: large;"><br /></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 150%;">
<span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif; font-size: large; line-height: 150%;">And this is where young Zimbabweans are beginning to ask
questions. They no longer understand the
pragmatic and contemporary meaning of
the historical ‘base’ (aka independence) let alone the superstructure that is
the existent political economy. Neither do the necessarily want to. In fact they do not have to because the
relevance of the same is lost on them. <o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 150%;">
<span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif; font-size: large;"><br /></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 150%;">
<span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif; font-size: large; line-height: 150%;">Probably because contemporary national leaders exhibit such a
profound ignorance of ‘base and superstructure’
they do not see any specific hope of pursuing as revolutionary a path as
that of their forebears. Not that it’s necessary by way of action. But a similar
consciousness would help. And seriously so.
<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 150%;">
<span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif; font-size: large;"><br /></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 150%;">
<span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif; font-size: large; line-height: 150%;">So as we celebrate 34 years of independence, while listening
to readings of President Mugabe’s speech and all opposing leaders counter speeches, we will remain
burdened with the fact that we have lost sight of the ‘base’ and are in danger of
foregoing a social democratic superstructure. <o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 150%;">
<span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif; font-size: large;"><br /></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 150%;">
<span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif; font-size: large; line-height: 150%;">As a result the Zimbabwean state, at 34, is in limbo. It makes sacrosanct reference to its past,
but does not hold its future in awe. It functions without collective national
vision nor a leadership that understands the imperatives of functioning for
posterity. Instead they function largely
as each day comes. If they make mistakes, they revert to the assumed sanctity
of the liberation or even post independence democratic struggles. They invoke memory more than they evoke
passion for the future. <o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 150%;">
<span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif; font-size: large;"><br /></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 150%;">
<span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif; font-size: large; line-height: 150%;">In order to counter such a retrogressive national leadership,
the question is no longer the Leninist ‘what is to be done’. Instead it must
be, ‘what is to be understood’ before taking action. <o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 150%;">
<span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif; font-size: large;"><br /></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 150%;">
<span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif; font-size: large; line-height: 150%;">Where we understand, in considerations of the way forward
that national independence was intended to be holistic, we begin to discern
patterns of what should be a social democratic future. Indeed there were urgent matters such as universal
suffrage, land redistribution at the onset of independence. The broader
framework was always for socio-economic justice, economic prosperity and continually
democratic leadership. This with an
understanding that politics cannot happen without the economy and the latter
cannot happen without the former. Instead, the two have functioned almost by default
as has been the case since 1980. <o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 150%;">
<span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif; font-size: large;"><br /></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 150%;">
<span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif; font-size: large; line-height: 150%;">What is therefore required are no longer abstract five year
development programmes such as the much lauded but inorganic ZimAsset. <o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 150%;">
<span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif; font-size: large;"><br /></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 150%;">
<span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif; font-size: large; line-height: 150%;">Instead we must look at the structures that have made
Zimbabwe a state that is running away from the immediate and future needs of
its people. These structures relate not
only to what we carried over from the Rhodesian state but that which was
constructed with the greater intention of
retaining power. While at the same time
seeking to keep the madding masses at bay. <o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 150%;">
<span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif; font-size: large; line-height: 150%;">To change this sort of politics and elitist approach to the
economy, we must bring the present government to account. Not just by way of
its current policies but with direct reference to the ‘base’ that was independence
and the ideals that currently inform our superstructure. And this will begin
with re-emphasizing the Zimbabwe Peoples Charter. <o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 150%;">
<span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif; font-size: large;"><br /></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 150%;">
<span style="font-size: large;"><b style="line-height: 150%; text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif; line-height: 150%;">Zimbabwe @34: Regrouping for a
People Driven Way Forward</span></b></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 150%; text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-size: large;"><i><span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif; line-height: 150%;">By Blessing Vava<o:p></o:p></span></i></span><br />
<span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif; font-size: large; line-height: 150%;">Zimbabwe turns 34 month with its President,
Robert Mugabe making history as the
Africa’s oldest Head of State at 90 years of age. The generation of Mugabe,
Chitepo, Tongogara, Nkomo and all those who participated in the struggle for
independence must be honoured and saluted for the selfless sacrifices they made
to liberate Zimbabwe.</span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 150%; text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif; font-size: large;"><br /></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 150%; text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif; font-size: large; line-height: 150%;">The coming of independence was a
joyous moment for all the citizens, who for a long time had been subjected to a
racist colonial regime that denied the black people political and economic
freedom. With the struggle of liberation have been long and protracted, the
pulling down of the Union Jack at Rufaro Stadium in April 1980 marked the
beginning of a new stage to the revolution
to full freedom for the people of Zimbabwe. <o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 150%; text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif; font-size: large;"><br /></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 150%; text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif; font-size: large; line-height: 150%;">The reasons why Zimbabwe went to war
are quite important for us to understand the concept of national liberation. The
national liberation of the people entailed the destruction of political and
economic domination of the racist supremacists Rhodesians. The questions we ask
today are- was our liberation struggle about removing the white man? Or it was
about addressing the political and economic system for the benefit of the
majority. <o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 150%; text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif; font-size: large;"><br /></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 150%; text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif; font-size: large; line-height: 150%;">Our revolutionary task after
independence was for us to strive to achieve those goals for the benefit of the
citizens of this country. For years after independence Zimbabwe adopted a
transitional constitution negotiated in Lancaster England. It is that
constitution that guided Zimbabwe’s political and economic trajectory until
2013, with the first amendments in 1987 together with 19 other amendments that
followed.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 150%; text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif; font-size: large;"><br /></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 150%; text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif; font-size: large; line-height: 150%;">The Lancaster House document guided
Zimbabwe to its first democratic elections which were won by President Mugabe’s ZANU PF and he became the country’s premier, with the late Reverend Canaan
Banana, assuming a ceremonial presidency. The Zvobgo amendments abolished the
post of Prime Minister and created an executive presidency with Mugabe assuming
office as the ultimate leader of the Southern African country. Already
this step in itself was a clear negation of the values and principles of the
liberation struggle. This marked the first step in reversing those gains. The
constitution in itself should protect its citizens from absolute rulers <o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 150%; text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif; font-size: large;"><br /></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 150%; text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif; font-size: large; line-height: 150%;">Ironically, the late Edison Zvogbo,
the then Minister of Legal Affairs master-minded the amendment to Executive
Presidency. However the shortcomings of
our national constitution was its hollowness in addressing the term limits for
a president of the country, and it is this gap that Mugabe later abused to stay
in power. It also failed to adequately address social, economic rights. With unlimited
term limits and excessive power at his disposal, Mugabe has ruled Zimbabwe
since 1980. And I argue that Zimbabwe’s problems emanated from the
constitutional order that allowed one man rule and not majority rule. Suffice
to say, aided by the executive powers, the state security apparatus have been
Mugabe’s trump card for the past thirty four years.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 150%; text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif; font-size: large;"><br /></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 150%; text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif; font-size: large; line-height: 150%;"> As we reflect 34 years down the line, Zimbabwe
now boasts itself for having finally authoring its own constitution, which
however was controversially sponsored by the inclusive government. The
liberation struggle was about freedom, it was about democracy, it was about
land, the national economy. The
struggles for a people driven constitution of by the constitutional movement in
the late 90s were a fulfillment of the goals of the liberation struggle and
total independence, not of a few black elites by the majority of Zimbabweans.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 150%; text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif; font-size: large;"><br /></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 150%; text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif; font-size: large; line-height: 150%;"> Despite
Mugabe’s attempts to cheat us into accepting a flawed constitution in 2000, the
pro-democratic forces armed with the National Working Peoples Convention
resolutions mobilized Zimbabweans into rejecting that constitution in the
referendum. However the rejection of the Chidyausiku document meant that we
were back to square one and again the constitutional debate escalated to the
extent that ZANU PF could not ignore anymore. Even during the negotiations that
led to the crafting of the GPA, the issue of the constitution was topical and a
whole section of that agreement was crafted as a result. <o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 150%; text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif; font-size: large;"><br /></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 150%; text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif; font-size: large; line-height: 150%;">Alternatively, the civil society had
gathered earlier that year in February 2008 just a month before the harmonized
elections to come up with Zimbabwe Peoples Charter which outlined a framework
writing a new constitution in its Section 3. <o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 150%; text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif; font-size: large;"><br /></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 150%; text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif; font-size: large; line-height: 150%;">To address the challenges affecting
our country I pose to the young generation to embrace the people’s charter. The
historic programme which has evolved to express the common immediate
aspirations of all the classes of the oppressed people is the Peoples Charter.
This document is in itself, a programme for social democracy as it can provide
a basis for uninterrupted advance to a social democratic future.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 150%; text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif; font-size: large;"><br /></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 150%; text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif; font-size: large; line-height: 150%;">Moving forward, we must accept the
mistakes of the past generations and put it to ourselves to address that. The GNU
promised us about the so-called incremental gains have actually turned out to
be a decrement. The thirty four years of independence should be equated on the
basis of the state of progression of the laws that govern us, the political
will and the success of our economy. The framework is brilliantly captured in
the Zimbabwe Peoples Charter. The fulfillment of the charter will be the
completion of the revolution towards a social democratic state. It is no longer
a doubt that the Zimbabwe Peoples Charter aspires to fulfill and safeguard the
values, principles and gains of the liberation struggle and our national
independence. To achieve that we need not just political statements, neither do
we need cult leaders to safeguard the values of the liberation struggle and our
national independence. It now requires fortitude, selflessness and discipline,
a clear programme of mass mobilization action in the fight for total freedom
from the ZANU PF regime. <o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 150%; text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif; font-size: large;"><br /></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 150%; text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif; font-size: large; line-height: 150%;">Our generation should lead a guided
struggle which like the Freedom Charter
in South Africa and adhere to those guiding principles so that we do not end up personalizing the peoples struggle like what happened with ZANU PF and what is
currently happening in the MDC. </span><br />
<span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif; font-size: large; line-height: 150%;">Internal democracies or peoples struggles should
be challenged based on a set of principles which have to be agreed upon by the
people. Our generation should move towards fulfilling the Peoples Charter and the
National Working Peoples Convention. Going forward there is need to regroup and
merge the Peoples convention and peoples charter to come up with a framework to
guide our generational struggle-<a href="https://www.blogger.com/null" name="_GoBack"></a> create a social
democratic movement of young energetic people to fulfil its provisions and
principles.</span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 150%; text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif; font-size: large;"><br /></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 150%; text-align: justify;">
<h3>
<span style="font-size: large;"><b style="line-height: 150%;"><span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif; line-height: 150%;">Zimbabwe@34:
The “Nervous Condition” of the Youth</span></b></span></h3>
</div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 150%; text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-size: large;"><i style="line-height: 150%;"><span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif; line-height: 150%;">By David Chidende</span></i></span><br />
<span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif; font-size: large; line-height: 150%;">18 April is a memorable day in
Zimbabwe’s history as the country celebrates its independence from white colonial
rule. The day represents the beginning of a new nation born from the womb of
oppression and race-based politics of exclusion. The journey to Uhuru wasn’t an easy walk as it
was characterized by a protracted armed struggle in which sons and daughters
fell, homes were destroyed and livestock stolen in the quest to address the
wide inequalities in national wealth distribution, address the land question
and attain majority rule.</span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 150%; text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif; font-size: large;"><br /></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 150%; text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif; font-size: large; line-height: 150%;">And so the dawn of independence in
1980, after almost a century of oppression and exploitation, was greeted with
an electrifying atmosphere of hope from the black majority who vested trust in
the new black political leadership to fulfill the aspirations of the liberation
struggle. <o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 150%; text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif; font-size: large;"><br /></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 150%; text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif; font-size: large; line-height: 150%;">However, it is sad to note that after
34 years of independence the Zimbabwean citizens have not yet progressed on the
independence value chain. The people are still facing the same problems they
faced under the Rhodesia Front as the Zanu PF government and leadership
diverted from the original agenda of the liberation struggle. Politics of greed
takes toll with those in the echelons of power feasting on the national cake,
distributing wealth amongst themselves whilst the masses starve. <o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 150%; text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif; font-size: large; line-height: 150%;">In this entire ‘jinx’ young people
and women struggle to understand the importance of independence especially when
a small clique hijacked state power and controls the means of production. The
government has turned a blind eye on its citizens as it failed to address the
issue of unemployment, which has seen many youths flooding the streets due to the
shrinking job market as industries close down almost every day. <o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 150%; text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif; font-size: large;"><br /></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 150%; text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif; font-size: large; line-height: 150%;">This, coupled with poor
infrastructure development, high cases of corruption (especially in
government’s parastatals) poor health services in almost all government
hospitals, deteriorating educational standards and poor sanitation (lack of
clean water) resulted in rampant outbreaks of waterborne diseases such as
cholera and typhoid which further darkens the gloomy picture of an independent Zimbabwe.
<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 150%; text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif; font-size: large;"><br /></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 150%; text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif; font-size: large; line-height: 150%;">Young people bleeds as the country
celebrates 34 years of independence. They are not given the opportunity to enjoy
the fruits of their fathers’ sweat and blood that brought about this
independence. Fundamentally, the youths
have not been guaranteed the right to education as the State fails to fulfil
its promises on providing free basic education from primary to tertiary level. <o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 150%; text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif; font-size: large;"><br /></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 150%; text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif; font-size: large; line-height: 150%;">The government has failed to release
the cadetship fund through the Ministry of Finance to help university students
resulting in approximately 45% of students dropping out of tertiary
institutions while a further more than 50% fail to enrol at any college. <o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 150%; text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif; font-size: large;"><br /></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 150%; text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif; font-size: large; line-height: 150%;">The same extends to primary and
secondary levels where many children are failing to go to school because the
State has failed to build more schools while the few that are available are
charging fees which are far beyond the affordability of many parents. This is in total violation of Article 7(i) of
The Zimbabwe People’s Charter which states that the youth shall be guaranteed
the right to education at all levels until they acquire their first tertiary
qualification. <o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 150%; text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif; font-size: large;"><br /></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 150%; text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif; font-size: large; line-height: 150%;">After thirty four years of
independence, the state of youths still remains a “nervous condition” even in
decision making processes where they are barricaded outside and denied space to
make decisions especially in political parties due to the current leadership’s
quest to stay in power forever. <o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 150%; text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif; font-size: large;"><br /></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 150%; text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif; font-size: large; line-height: 150%;">This is done through denying the
youth political independence in any political setup despite their political
consciousness and to this end; main wings of political parties in across Africa
have created ‘dumb and mute’ Youth Leagues and Assemblies to subjugate the
youth voice the idea being to cripple
the political consciousness of youths making the League/Assemblies more
or less of political robots, rubber stamping and embracing bad leadership at
all levels as decision are always made by the main wing. <o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 150%; text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif; font-size: large;"><br /></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 150%; text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif; font-size: large; line-height: 150%;">Politicians have a tendency of
undermining the value of young people in national development and they don’t
see them as leadership material but tools for counter-productive activities
such as violence in which they feature most as both perpetrators and victims. <o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 150%; text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif; font-size: large;"><br /></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 150%; text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif; font-size: large; line-height: 150%;">Unemployment, poverty and other
social stresses have dis-empowered the youths, making them more susceptible to
manipulation by the political leadership who for 34 years gobbled the wealth of
this country. And as we celebrate independence, young people across all political
divides must start being proactive and take charge in their communities,
political parties and even churches. <o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 150%; text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif; font-size: large;"><br /></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 150%; text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif; font-size: large; line-height: 150%;">They must regroup and strategise to
form a formidable social movement, try to engage people in their small groupings
about the social ills bedeviling our country as a way of fighting against the personalization of the country, and resources by a few individuals. They must
tell the political leadership that they deserve much better not scrambling for
a few crumbs that fall from their tables. <o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 150%; text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif;"><span style="font-size: large;"><b style="line-height: 150%;"><span style="line-height: 150%;"><br /></span></b></span>
<span style="font-size: large;"><b style="line-height: 150%;"><span style="line-height: 150%;">Zimbabwe
@34: A country of Old Men</span></b></span></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 150%; margin-bottom: 0in; text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-size: large;"><i><span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif; line-height: 150%;">By Prince Tongogara<o:p></o:p></span></i></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 150%; margin-bottom: 0in; text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif; font-size: large;"><br /></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 150%; margin-bottom: 0in; text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif; font-size: large; line-height: 150%;">Zimbabwe
marked 34 years of independence from the colonial British regime this Easter
holiday. And after gaining its
independence and tomorrow’s celebrations take one back to the old adage – the
more the things change, the more they remain the same.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 150%; margin-bottom: 0in; text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif;"><span style="font-size: large; line-height: 150%;">For
the 34</span><span style="font-size: large;"><sup style="line-height: 150%;">th</sup><span style="line-height: 150%;"> time, President Robert Mugabe will give a keynote address. The
emphasis in his speeches could vary as they have over the years but to a
discerning audience – his theme has largely remained the same archaic one –
Zimbabwe shall never be a colony again.</span></span></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 150%; margin-bottom: 0in; text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif;"><span style="font-size: large; line-height: 150%;"><br /></span>
<span style="font-size: large; line-height: 150%;">Mugabe
has become Zimbabwe. He has straddled over the nation’s history for close to
two generations since he assumed the mantle to lead the liberation struggle in
Mozambique. Since then, his legacy is synonymous with Zimbabwe’s triumphs and
losses. He has seen it all but forgot to leave the stage to give a new impetus
to new politics and new visions.</span></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 150%; margin-bottom: 0in; text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif; font-size: large;"><br /></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 150%; margin-bottom: 0in; text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif; font-size: large; line-height: 150%;">For
34 years the country has remained steeped in the war mode, trying to solve our
problems as if we are still in 1980 when the world was still bipolar – cleanly
divided between the East and West. In that time warp, the Zanu PF government
continues to fiddle while the economy regresses and a whole generation has
never known any other leader beside Mugabe. This is a whole generation that has
been locked out of the political discussions and decision-making as they wait
for the older generation to exit the stage.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 150%; margin-bottom: 0in; text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif; font-size: large;"><br /></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 150%; margin-bottom: 0in; text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif; font-size: large; line-height: 150%;">After
the chaotic land reform and economic empowerment programmes, the majority still
remain outside the mainstream economic activities while a small, new black
elite – the noveau rich – has developed in a fashion that replicates the
colonial era. <o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 150%; margin-bottom: 0in; text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif; font-size: large;"><br /></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 150%; margin-bottom: 0in; text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif; font-size: large; line-height: 150%;">The
big liberation struggle questions still remain unanswered. Can Zimbabwe take a
new socio-economic trajectory? Is Zanu PF ready for leadership renewal as
opposed to succession? (Succession is simply taking over without making
significant structural changes while renewal is having a new distinct
structurally different leadership with a defined new vision and economic model
for the country.)<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 150%; margin-bottom: 0in; text-align: justify;">
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<span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif; font-size: large; line-height: 150%;">Mugabe
and his government over the years have remained on the same political-economic paradigm
despite that their claimed ally China renews its leadership every decade. This
renewal has given China a new economic impetus and a positive international
relations compass.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif; font-size: large; line-height: 150%;">It
remains a moot case that Mugabe, one way or the other despite his liberation
credentials,social programmes and pan-Africanism, has failed in this one great
respect – to lay a foundation or even encourage leadership renewal.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif; font-size: large; line-height: 150%;">It is
unfortunate that that this same weakness has become pervasive in Zimbabwe – in
opposition politics and even in private enterprises. There has been no
significant change in the political leadership and company boardrooms for the
past 20 years.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif; font-size: large; line-height: 150%;">One
can safely conclude, as we celebrate the 34<sup>th</sup> anniversary of our
independence, that Zimbabwe has been caught in a time warp, living in its own
bubble that sooner or later will burst with devastating effects for the
country. Renewal could be a new word in our politics, economics and social
lives or soon it becomes a country of Old men and women.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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Our Country Toohttp://www.blogger.com/profile/15835097949283298579noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-6203271665638639114.post-31099220727881225152014-02-18T04:04:00.003-08:002015-07-03T09:05:05.366-07:00 Statement on Floods : Government Not Doing Enough to Prevent Loss of Lives and Livelihoods due to Floods and Climate Change<div dir="ltr" style="text-align: left;" trbidi="on">
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<span style="font-size: large; line-height: 115%;"><span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif;">The Committee of the Peoples Charter
(CPC), expresses solidarity to all the victims of this disaster and we share
the pain and despair that the affected families must be feeling. And we express
gratitude to all Zimbabweans, the Republic of Namibia and the international
disaster relief community, in their efforts to assist in the disaster relief
operation that is currently underway.</span></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif;"><span style="line-height: 115%;"><span style="font-size: large;"><br /></span></span>
<span style="line-height: 115%;"><span style="font-size: large;">The areas most affected areas
are Tsholotsho, (Matabeleland North) Chivi and Masvingo districts in Masvingo
Province. An estimated 60 000 people have been affected in the area alone due
to the flooding which has destroyed their homes, property, schools, crops and
animals.</span></span></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif;"><span style="line-height: 115%;"><span style="font-size: large;"><br /></span></span>
<span style="font-size: large;"><span style="line-height: 115%;">We are however </span><span style="line-height: 24.533334732055664px;">cognizant</span><span style="line-height: 115%;"> of
the democratic fact that it is also the responsibility of government guarantee
as far as is pragmatically possible, public safety in times of natural
disaster. This includes inter alia, preparing and constructing the relevant
public safety infrastructure in natural disaster prone regions of the country.</span></span></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif; font-size: large; line-height: 115%;">It is most unfortunate that
flooding (among other natural maladies) has been a perennial problem in the
areas cited since our national independence with limited little having been
done by government to seek to ensure there is a continually adequate and rapid
response to the these annually occurring natural disasters such as flooding and
drought.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif; font-size: large; line-height: 115%;">We also call for transparency
in the distribution of the aid to the affected families as reports of abuse
have already been reported in some affected areas.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif; font-size: large; line-height: 115%;">While we all find ways and
means to assist our fellow citizens in the flood hit areas of the country, it
is imperative that we bring government to full account on this and any other
tragic national and natural disasters. <o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif; font-size: large;"><span style="line-height: 115%;">This can and should be done by
ensuring the </span><span style="line-height: 24.533334732055664px;">prioritization</span><span style="line-height: 115%;"> of a Disaster Relief Plan for the Country that is
publicly acknowledged, democratically implemented and coordinated.<o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif; font-size: large; line-height: 115%;">Information Department<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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Our Country Toohttp://www.blogger.com/profile/15835097949283298579noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-6203271665638639114.post-68907476282613049572014-02-07T05:24:00.000-08:002015-07-03T09:08:23.597-07:00Statement on the Occasion of the 6th Anniversary of the Zimbabwe People’s Charter<span style="font-size: large;"><span style="font-family: "Courier New",Courier,monospace;"><br /></span></span>
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<i style="font-size: x-large;"><span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif;"><span style="line-height: 115%;">We, the People of Zimbabwe, After
deliberations</span><span style="line-height: 115%;"> amongst ourselves and with the full knowledge of the work done by
civic society organizations and social movements; With an understanding that
our struggle for emancipation has been drawn-out and is in need of a
people-driven solution</span></span></i></div>
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<span style="font-size: large;"><span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif; line-height: 115%;">The Committee of the Peoples
Charter (CPC) on the occasion of the 6<sup>th</sup> anniversary of the Peoples
Charter, adopted on February 9 2008 as a guide by Zimbabwean social movements,
on a social democratic vision for the country, urges all Zimbabweans to stay
the course for a people centered and democratic nation.</span></span><br />
<span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif; font-size: large;"><span style="line-height: 115%;"> </span><span style="line-height: 115%;"> </span><span style="line-height: 115%;">http://peoplescharter.blogspot.com/2011/12/zimbabwe-peoples-charter.html<o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
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<span style="font-size: large;"><span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif; line-height: 115%;">The historic document that is the
People’s Charter, as adopted at the Peoples Convention by 3000 delegates
remains a true reflection of the social democratic aspirations of the people of
Zimbabwe dating back to not only the liberation struggle but has become critical discourse
in our post-independence struggles for a social democratic state. <o:p> </o:p></span></span></div>
<span style="font-size: large;"><span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif; line-height: 115%;">Twenty eight years after our
country’s national independence, in the face of mounting social, economic and
political decay, the students, the working class, churches and all sectors of
our society saw the need for a lucid statement outlining the minimal benchmarks
for reform and idealizing the future of Zimbabwe as outlined in the subsequent
document, the Peoples Charter. <o:p></o:p></span></span><br />
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</span><br />
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<span style="font-size: large;"><span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif; line-height: 115%;">For the past six years, the
Charter has not only been the basis but also the reference point for our demand
for socio-economic justice, political equity, gender equality, youth participation,
a transparent and accountable public service and democratic people driven
constitution reform<o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
<span style="font-size: large;"><span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif; line-height: 115%;"><o:p></o:p>The three thousand delegates
(representatives of the social movements and civics, peasants, students, women,
business community, youth and the broad mass democratic movement) gathered at
Rainbow Towers Gardens, Harare on the 8<sup>th</sup> and 9<sup>th</sup> of
February 2008. The Peoples Convention, became a platform for the entire
Zimbabwean populace to record their demands so that they could be included in a
common document. <o:p></o:p></span></span><br />
<span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif;"><span style="font-size: large; line-height: 115%; text-align: justify;"><br /></span>
<span style="font-size: large; line-height: 115%; text-align: justify;">To this day, the Peoples
Convention remains the most representative gathering in the history of Zimbabwe
where the Peoples Charter, an idea for a cohesive, united, democratic Zimbabwe
was adopted.</span></span><br />
<span style="font-size: large;"><span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif; line-height: 115%;">The Peoples Charter establishes
a concrete vision for a new social democratic Zimbabwe in which the battle cry
for all Zimbabweans be they men, women
and the youth is that ‘’Zimbabwe belongs to all who live and believe it.’'</span></span><br />
<span style="font-size: large;"><b><span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif; line-height: 115%;"> Zimbabwe
at 34<o:p></o:p></span></b></span><br />
<span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif;"><br /></span>
<span style="font-size: large;"><span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif; line-height: 115%;">Thirty Four years after
independence, we have slid backwards in the areas of democracy, human rights,
socio-economic rights, for which we hold the ZANU PF government accountable. On
the socio-economic front the CPC notes with disappointment <o:p></o:p></span></span><br />
<div class="MsoListParagraphCxSpFirst" style="margin: 0in 0in 0pt 39.55pt; text-align: justify; text-indent: -0.25in;">
<!--[if !supportLists]--><span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif; font-size: large;"><span style="line-height: 115%;">o<span style="-moz-font-feature-settings: normal; -moz-font-language-override: normal; font-size-adjust: none; font-stretch: normal; font-style: normal; font-variant: normal; font-weight: normal; line-height: normal;"> </span></span><span style="line-height: 115%;">It must also be noted that Zimbabwe is yet to
comply with Article 4 of the People’s Charter which requires that our national
economy belongs to the people of Zimbabwe. The national wealth of our country
and the heritage of Zimbabweans have not yet been restored to the people. The
mineral wealth beneath the soil is not benefiting the people of Zimbabwe as
required by the Charter. It remains unfortunate that there is a spreading
culture of oligarchies that have held undemocratic sway over our economy</span></span></div>
<div class="MsoListParagraphCxSpMiddle" style="margin: 0in 0in 0pt 39.55pt; text-align: justify; text-indent: -0.25in;">
<!--[if !supportLists]--><span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif; font-size: large;"><span style="line-height: 115%;">o </span><span style="line-height: 115%;">the dilapidation of our country’s
infrastructure,</span></span></div>
<div class="MsoListParagraphCxSpMiddle" style="margin: 0in 0in 0pt 39.55pt; text-align: justify; text-indent: -0.25in;">
<!--[if !supportLists]--><span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif;"><span style="font-size: large;"><span style="line-height: 115%;">o<span style="-moz-font-feature-settings: normal; -moz-font-language-override: normal; font-size-adjust: none; font-stretch: normal; font-style: normal; font-variant: normal; font-weight: normal; line-height: normal;"> </span></span><span style="line-height: 115%;">absence of provision of free basic healthcare <o:p></o:p></span></span><!--[endif]--></span></div>
<div class="MsoListParagraphCxSpMiddle" style="margin: 0in 0in 0pt 39.55pt; text-align: justify; text-indent: -0.25in;">
<!--[if !supportLists]--><span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif; font-size: large;"><span style="line-height: 115%;">o<span style="-moz-font-feature-settings: normal; -moz-font-language-override: normal; font-size-adjust: none; font-stretch: normal; font-style: normal; font-variant: normal; font-weight: normal; line-height: normal;"> </span></span><span style="line-height: 115%;">Absence of a comprehensive education policy.Despite boasting of a 92% literacy rate, we
have noted that education is now a preserve of the rich, disenfranchising
millions of young Zimbabweans of their right to education, which is however not
clearly spelt out in the new constitution </span></span><br />
<span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif;"><span style="font-size: large; line-height: 115%; text-indent: -0.25in;">o<span style="line-height: normal;">
</span></span><span style="font-size: large; line-height: 115%; text-indent: -0.25in;">the absence of free low cost housing,</span></span></div>
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<!--[if !supportLists]--><span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif;"><span style="font-size: large;"><span style="line-height: 115%;">o<span style="-moz-font-feature-settings: normal; -moz-font-language-override: normal; font-size-adjust: none; font-stretch: normal; font-style: normal; font-variant: normal; font-weight: normal; line-height: normal;">
</span></span><span style="line-height: 115%;">lack of access to clean water, <o:p></o:p></span></span><!--[endif]--></span></div>
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</span></span><span style="line-height: 115%;">electricity <o:p></o:p></span></span><!--[endif]--></span></div>
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<!--[if !supportLists]--><span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif;"><span style="font-size: large;"><span style="line-height: 115%;">o<span style="-moz-font-feature-settings: normal; -moz-font-language-override: normal; font-size-adjust: none; font-stretch: normal; font-style: normal; font-variant: normal; font-weight: normal; line-height: normal;">
</span></span><span style="line-height: 115%;">And the provision of sanitation <o:p></o:p></span></span><!--[endif]--></span></div>
<span style="font-size: large;"><b><span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif; line-height: 115%;">Political
Reform- A neglected step-child</span></b></span><br />
<span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif;"><br /></span>
<span style="font-size: large;"><span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif; line-height: 115%;">The Peoples Charter clearly
sets out democratic changes required to enable all the people of Zimbabwe to
live in unity, enjoying equal rights and opportunities without distinction of
political affiliation or belief. It is a document that reflects the noble
objectives of the liberation struggle of the people of Zimbabwe for freedom,
unity and human dignity. As we commemorate these 6 years of the existence of
the Peoples document, we wish to express our concern over cases of rampant
state sanctioned corruption namely by parastatals bosses who in acts of self-aggrandizement
are awarding themselves hefty salaries and living opulent lifestyles at the
expense of lower ranks whose salaries are unrealistically low and service
delivery continues plummeting to the lowest levels. </span></span><br />
<span style="font-size: large;"><span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif; line-height: 115%;"><br /></span></span>
<span style="font-size: large;"><span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif; line-height: 115%;">Section (1) (i) of the Peoples Charter
clearly states that,</span></span><br />
<span style="font-size: large;"><span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif; line-height: 115%;"><br /></span></span>
<div align="center" class="MsoNormal" style="margin: 0in 0in 10pt 0.5in; text-align: center;">
<span style="font-size: large;"><b><i><span style="background-color: white; font-family: Verdana, sans-serif;"><span style="background-attachment: scroll; background-clip: border-box; background-image: none; background-origin: padding-box; background-position: 0% 0%; background-repeat: repeat; background-size: auto auto; line-height: 115%;">“All
people in Zimbabwe live in a society, which is the embodiment of transparency,
with an efficient public service and a belief in a legitimate, people-centered
state.</span><span style="line-height: 115%;"><o:p></o:p></span></span></i></b></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif; font-size: large;"><span style="line-height: 115%;"><o:p></o:p></span><b><span style="line-height: 115%;">Reclaiming
the Future:<o:p></o:p></span></b></span></div>
<span style="font-size: large;"><span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif; line-height: 115%;">Those who have, for the past
six years, fought under the banner of the Zimbabwe Peoples Charter must remain
steadfast and resolute as the dawn of a new era nears with each passing day.
The CPC thus recommends to the government, civic society and social movements
and Zimbabweans at large that:</span></span><br />
<div class="MsoListParagraph" style="margin: 0in 0in 10pt 0.5in; text-align: justify; text-indent: -0.25in;">
<!--[if !supportLists]--><span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif;"><span style="font-size: large;"><span style="line-height: 115%;"><img alt="*" height="16" src="file:///C:/Users/BLEVAV~1/AppData/Local/Temp/msohtmlclip1/01/clip_image001.gif" width="16" /><span style="-moz-font-feature-settings: normal; -moz-font-language-override: normal; font-size-adjust: none; font-stretch: normal; font-style: normal; font-variant: normal; font-weight: normal; line-height: normal;"> </span></span><span style="line-height: 115%;">On
hefty salaries the (CPC) calls upon the government to launch an independent
commission of inquiry to investigate the rampant graft and self-enrichment
happening in all state institutions. <o:p></o:p></span></span><!--[endif]--></span></div>
<span style="font-size: large;"><span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif; line-height: 115%;"><o:p></o:p>The issue of the constitution
is still a far cry Zimbabweans need to intensify calls for a people driven
constitution making process to rid the excesses and vagaries of the COPAC
constitution which retained the basis of an executive authority in the same manner
as the Lancaster House Constitution and the Kariba draft</span></span><br />
<span style="font-size: large;"><span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif; line-height: 115%;"><br /></span></span>
<div class="MsoListParagraphCxSpFirst" style="margin: 0in 0in 0pt 0.5in; text-align: justify; text-indent: -0.25in;">
<!--[if !supportLists]--><span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif; font-size: large;"><span style="line-height: 115%;"><img alt="*" height="16" src="file:///C:/Users/BLEVAV~1/AppData/Local/Temp/msohtmlclip1/01/clip_image001.gif" width="16" /><span style="-moz-font-feature-settings: normal; -moz-font-language-override: normal; font-size-adjust: none; font-stretch: normal; font-style: normal; font-variant: normal; font-weight: normal; line-height: normal;"> </span></span><span style="line-height: 115%;">The
Peoples Charter remains a legitimate and ideal document encapsulating the
visions and aspirations of the progressive movement and millions of
Zimbabweans. The ideals set out in the Peoples Charter can only be achieved if
the government commits itself to transparency accountability and respect for
the fundamental freedoms and liberties of the human person.</span></span><br />
<span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif; font-size: large;"><span style="line-height: 115%;"><br /></span></span></div>
<div class="MsoListParagraphCxSpMiddle" style="margin: 0in 0in 0pt 0.5in; text-align: justify; text-indent: -0.25in;">
<span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif; font-size: large;"><span style="line-height: 115%;"><img alt="*" height="16" src="file:///C:/Users/BLEVAV~1/AppData/Local/Temp/msohtmlclip1/01/clip_image001.gif" width="16" /><span style="color: #222222;"> </span></span><span style="background: none repeat scroll 0% 0% white; color: #222222; line-height: 115%;">Zimbabweans and the
broader civics find themselves plunged in </span><span style="color: #222222; line-height: 115%;"><span style="background: none repeat scroll 0% 0% white;"><span style="float: none; word-spacing: 0px;">uncertain
times and disillusioned, the CPC reiterates that the </span></span><span style="background: none repeat scroll 0% 0% white;"><span style="float: none; word-spacing: 0px;">struggle
for a people centered political and development paradigm is </span></span><span style="background: none repeat scroll 0% 0% white;"><span style="float: none; word-spacing: 0px;">NOW
and continues to fight for the ideological strengthening of </span></span><span style="background: none repeat scroll 0% 0% white;"><span style="float: none; word-spacing: 0px;">like-minded
social movements to align their programming to the very </span></span><span style="background: none repeat scroll 0% 0% white;"><span style="float: none; word-spacing: 0px;">essence
of the founding principles grounded by its connection with the</span></span><span style="background: none repeat scroll 0% 0% white;"><span style="float: none; word-spacing: 0px;"> masses
and guided by the resolve of a social democratic state </span></span><span style="background: none repeat scroll 0% 0% white;"><span style="float: none; word-spacing: 0px;">adopted
in February 2008. </span></span></span></span><br />
<span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif; font-size: large;"><span style="color: #222222; line-height: 115%;"><span style="background: none repeat scroll 0% 0% white;"><span style="float: none; word-spacing: 0px;"><br /></span></span></span></span>
<span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif; font-size: large;"><span style="color: #222222; line-height: 115%;"><span style="background: none repeat scroll 0% 0% white;"><span style="float: none; word-spacing: 0px;">The CPC shall continue to find its </span></span><span style="background: none repeat scroll 0% 0% white;"><span style="float: none; word-spacing: 0px;">legitimacy
in the Pan African doctrine safeguarding against the </span></span><span style="background: none repeat scroll 0% 0% white;"><span style="float: none; word-spacing: 0px;">dictatorship
of global capital in its programming and outlook - the </span></span><span style="background: none repeat scroll 0% 0% white;"><span style="float: none; word-spacing: 0px;">people
must own its existence.</span></span></span></span><br />
<span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif; font-size: large;"><span style="color: #222222; line-height: 115%;"><span style="background: none repeat scroll 0% 0% white;"><span style="float: none; word-spacing: 0px;"><br /></span></span></span></span></div>
<div class="MsoListParagraphCxSpLast" style="margin: 0in 0in 10pt 0.5in; text-align: justify; text-indent: -0.25in;">
<!--[if !supportLists]--><span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif;"><span style="font-size: large;"><span style="line-height: 115%;"><img alt="*" height="16" src="file:///C:/Users/BLEVAV~1/AppData/Local/Temp/msohtmlclip1/01/clip_image001.gif" width="16" /> </span><span style="line-height: 115%;">We
also demand that the government of Zimbabwe must immediately adopt the Peoples
Charter as the official policy document embodying the bona-fide demands and
aspirations of all sections of our Zimbabwean.<o:p></o:p></span></span><!--[endif]--></span></div>
<span style="font-size: large;"><span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif; line-height: 115%;">Today, we must take this
tradition forward. The Charter’s far-reaching demands are as relevant today as
they were six years ago when the Charter was adopted. </span></span><br />
<span style="font-size: large;"><span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif; line-height: 115%;"><br /></span></span>
<span style="font-size: large;"><span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif; line-height: 115%;">It is therefore
imperative for the people of Zimbabwe to stay focused on the important parts of
our struggle which are yet to be achieved as they are vital in the liberation of our people and in the
transformation their lives. </span></span><br />
<span style="font-size: large;"><span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif; line-height: 115%;"><br /></span></span>
<span style="font-size: large;"><span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif; line-height: 115%;">The struggle must continue until each of the 8
demands of the Peoples Charter are realized. <o:p></o:p></span></span><br />
<span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif;"><span style="font-size: large;"><br /></span>
</span><br />
<div class="MsoNormal" style="margin: 0in 0in 10pt; text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-size: large;"><span style="line-height: 115%;"><span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif;">Issued by: Information
Department</span><span style="font-family: Courier New, Courier, monospace;"><o:p></o:p></span></span></span></div>
Our Country Toohttp://www.blogger.com/profile/15835097949283298579noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-6203271665638639114.post-49610193061461246502013-02-08T04:06:00.002-08:002015-07-03T09:09:31.348-07:00Say No to the Inclusive Government’s Politics of the Belly’<span style="font-family: Courier New, Courier, monospace; font-size: large;"><br /></span>
<br />
<div style="background: white; text-align: justify;">
<span style="color: #222222; font-family: Verdana, sans-serif; font-size: large;">Press Statement on Proposed Government Exit
Packages</span><br />
<span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif;"><br /></span></div>
<div style="background: white; text-align: justify;">
<span style="color: #222222; font-family: Verdana, sans-serif; font-size: large;">Issue
Date: February 08 2013</span></div>
<div style="background: white; text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif; font-size: large;"><br /></span></div>
<div style="background: white; text-align: justify;">
<span style="color: #222222; font-family: Verdana, sans-serif; font-size: large;">The
Committee of the Peoples Charter (CPC) is gravely disappointed with the
departure lounge intentions of the inclusive government’s ministers and the
current Parliament to award themselves ‘exit’ packages in the form of luxury
vehicles and houses, as reported in the February 8-14 edition of the Zimbabwe
Independent. Such an intention is grossly hypocritical as well as thoroughly
unjustified and undeserved.<o:p></o:p></span><br />
<span style="color: #222222; font-family: Verdana, sans-serif; font-size: large;"><br /></span></div>
<div style="background: white; text-align: justify;">
<span style="color: #222222; font-family: Verdana, sans-serif; font-size: large;">In a
year where the country is facing a major drought as well as deplorable social
services where there is lack of clean drinking water, affordable health care
and a crisis in our education system, awarding these policy makers these
ridiculous exit packages would be the height of political insensitivity.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div style="background: white; text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif; font-size: large;"><br /></span></div>
<div style="background: white; text-align: justify;">
<span style="color: #222222; font-family: Verdana, sans-serif; font-size: large;">These
leaders would do well to be reminded that being in government is a service to
the people of Zimbabwe and not a mechanism through which they must seek to
enrich themselves. Unfortunately this latest intention is only but the
latest indication of the warped thinking that informs the inclusive government
where and when it comes to matters of allowances and perks for its officials. <o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div style="background: white; text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif; font-size: large;"><br /></span></div>
<div style="background: white; text-align: justify;">
<span style="color: #222222; font-family: Verdana, sans-serif; font-size: large;">Against
better advice, the inclusive government has over the last four years had a
ridiculously high foreign travel bill, a penchant for purchasing luxury
vehicles for ministers and their deputies while simultaneously claiming that
the country has a mere US$217,00 in its bank account. </span><br />
<span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif;"><span style="color: #222222; font-size: large;"><br /></span>
<span style="color: #222222; font-size: large;">That MPs and ministers
now want ‘exit packages’ is akin to severance packages in a country where
unemployment is reportedly as high as 80%, can only be viewed as a
demonstration of utter contempt for the suffering of the ordinary people.<o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
<div style="background: white; text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif; font-size: large;"><br /></span></div>
<div style="background: white; text-align: justify;">
<span style="color: #222222; font-family: Verdana, sans-serif; font-size: large;">The
CPC strongly advises the inclusive government and parliament to show contrition
and sensitivity to the people that elected them into office by being
magnanimous and not seeking to loot the national purse for personal aggrandizement.
<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div style="background: white; text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif; font-size: large;"><br /></span></div>
<div style="background: white; text-align: justify;">
<span style="color: #222222; font-family: Verdana, sans-serif; font-size: large;">Zimbabwe
is neither their personal tuck-shop nor theirs to treat as an ‘endgame takes
all you can’ country. Where the inclusive government decides to proceed
with dishing out exit packages to itself, the CPC shall mobilize all
Zimbabweans against such extravagance.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div style="background: white; text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
Our Country Toohttp://www.blogger.com/profile/15835097949283298579noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-6203271665638639114.post-86371491666200838282012-11-21T00:57:00.007-08:002015-07-03T09:10:07.115-07:00Open Letter to Zimbabwean Minister of Foreign Affairs Mumbengengwi: Act urgently on Eastern DRC Conflict, Call for Extraordinary SADC and EAC Summit.<span style="font-family: Courier New, Courier, monospace; font-size: large;"><br /></span>
<br />
<div class="MsoNormal" style="margin: 0in 0in 10pt; text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif; font-size: large; line-height: 115%;">The Committee of the People's
Charter (CPC) notes with great trepidation and misgiving the long standing
conflict in the Eastern parts of the Democratic Republic of the Congo (DRC).
This is particularly so with the recent escalation of the conflict and the
displacement of innocent and unarmed civilians in the regional capital of Goma.
<br />
<br />
While the CPC is aware of the ongoing efforts of the United Nations
Peacekeeping Force (MONUSC) as well as the initiative of the neighbouring
states through their 12 August 2012 Great Lakes Region International Summit, we
are of the firm view that the Zimbabwean government has an obligation to call
for greater urgency in seeking a ceasefire and an end to the internal
displacement of innocent civilians in this conflict.</span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="margin: 0in 0in 10pt; text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif; font-size: large; line-height: 115%;">This is not only because the DRC is a member of the Southern African
Development Community (SADC) but also because Zimbabwe has long standing ties
with the DRC that, in the final analysis, make it obligatory for us to support
and seek peaceful solutions to that conflict. </span><br />
<span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif;"><span style="font-size: large; line-height: 115%;"><br /></span>
<span style="font-size: large; line-height: 115%;">The CPC has also observed that it is a general trend of the Zimbabwean
government and components of civil society to seek regional and international
solidarity primarily on the basis of our internal problems at home and rarely
do we seek or act in solidarity and support for peoples of Africa and elsewhere
in the world that are in conflict situations. <o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
<span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif; font-size: large; line-height: 115%; text-align: justify;">It is therefore of utmost
importance that Zimbabwe, through the Ministry of Foreign Affairs, formally
requests SADC to act with urgency on the matter. This would include action that
should lead to the calling of a joint Extraordinary Summit on the DRC conflict
involving SADC and the East African Community (EAC) in order to resolve the
conflict and with African Union and United Nations support. </span><br />
<div class="MsoNormal" style="margin: 0in 0in 10pt; text-align: justify;">
<span style="line-height: 115%;"><span style="font-family: Courier New, Courier, monospace; font-size: large;">
</span><br /><span style="font-family: Garamond, serif; font-size: 18pt;"><o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
Our Country Toohttp://www.blogger.com/profile/15835097949283298579noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-6203271665638639114.post-77980981449763237302012-11-17T03:12:00.003-08:002015-07-03T09:11:09.642-07:00CPC response to the 2013 National Budget presented by Finance Minister Tendai Biti<b style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif; font-size: x-large; text-align: justify;"><span style="color: #222222;">16 November 2012</span></b><br />
<span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif;"><br /></span>
<span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif;">
</span>
<br />
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin: 0in 0in 10pt; mso-margin-bottom-alt: auto; mso-margin-top-alt: auto; text-align: justify;">
<span style="color: #222222; font-family: Verdana, sans-serif; font-size: large;">The
Committee of the Peoples Charter (CPC), having read the 2013 budget
presentation, notes that it is a budget that is intended at continuity in
relation to the inclusive government’s work programme at least six months prior
to elections being held in March next year. <o:p></o:p></span></div>
<span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif;"><span style="font-size: large;"><br /></span>
</span><br />
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin: 0in 0in 10pt; mso-margin-bottom-alt: auto; mso-margin-top-alt: auto; text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif; font-size: large;"><span style="color: #222222;">It is this
intended continuity with its attendant business as usual approach that points
to the fact that the inclusive government might not be taking elections
scheduled for 2013 as seriously as would be expected. This is with regards to
both the inadequate budgetary allocation for elections and the referendum, as
well as in the assumption that the inclusive government’s work programme will
be undertaken by the next government of Zimbabwe.</span><o:p></o:p></span></div>
<span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif;"><span style="font-size: large;"><br /></span>
</span><br />
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin: 0in 0in 10pt; mso-margin-bottom-alt: auto; mso-margin-top-alt: auto; text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif; font-size: large;"><span style="color: #222222;">It is
therefore the CPC’s initial observation that the inclusive government, through
its budget is not taking the nationally important issue of elections as
seriously as is necessary. This is even more tacit where consideration is given
to the fact that the inclusive government is a compromise arrangement and to seek
a repeat of the same through inadequate resourcing of elections is unfortunate.</span><o:p></o:p></span></div>
<span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif;"><span style="font-size: large;"><br /></span>
</span><br />
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin: 0in 0in 10pt; mso-margin-bottom-alt: auto; mso-margin-top-alt: auto; text-align: justify;">
<span style="color: #222222; font-family: Verdana, sans-serif; font-size: large;">The CPC
notes that in the same framework of seeking continuity to its policy
ambiguities, the inclusive government has not allocated any resources for a
wholesale review of its performance either for each line ministry or as
Cabinet. Because of this, there is the claim that for example, the Distressed
Industrial and Marginalized area Fund (DIMAF) was not exhausted in the current
financial year (2012), yet it was a fund that was established on the basis of
urgency.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif;"><span style="font-size: large;"><br /></span>
</span><br />
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin: 0in 0in 10pt; mso-margin-bottom-alt: auto; mso-margin-top-alt: auto; text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif; font-size: large;"><span style="color: #222222;"><span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>It therefore becomes disheartening to assess
that the recurrence of the same urgent challenges facing the people of Zimbabwe
in all of the last four national budget presentations by the Minister of
Finance is indicative of limited or poor performance by the ministers in the
inclusive government.</span><o:p></o:p></span></div>
<span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif;"><span style="font-size: large;"><br /></span>
</span><br />
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin: 0in 0in 10pt; mso-margin-bottom-alt: auto; mso-margin-top-alt: auto; text-align: justify;">
<span style="color: #222222; font-family: Verdana, sans-serif; font-size: large;">In
relation to social welfare or what the budget has termed ‘Social Services and
Social Safety Nets,’ there is no new approach to the challenges faced therein.
The template that the government seeks to use is that which has continued to
bedevil the social services, particularly health and education since the first
full budget of the inclusive government. <o:p></o:p></span></div>
<span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif;"><span style="font-size: large;"><br /></span>
</span><br />
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin: 0in 0in 10pt; mso-margin-bottom-alt: auto; mso-margin-top-alt: auto; text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif; font-size: large;"><span style="color: #222222;">It would
have been preferable had health and education at primary level be made free at
all government institutions with the intention of ensuring access for all young
children and primary school pupils. This would be a mitigatory measure against
commercialization of these services where only the few get the best of them and
our political leaders seek health treatment as well as send their children to
expensive schools. And where international donors have been assisting in
funding our health delivery system, it would be preferable that the government
negotiate from that premise.</span><o:p></o:p></span></div>
<span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif;"><span style="font-size: large;"><br /></span>
</span><br />
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin: 0in 0in 10pt; mso-margin-bottom-alt: auto; mso-margin-top-alt: auto; text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif; font-size: large;"><span style="color: #222222;">The
reference that the budget makes to youth is however of significance in that
indeed youth unemployment is a 'time-bomb' in Zimbabwe. In our view the reasons
for this are not because, contrary to the budgets assertion of a fear of a
youth uprising similar to the 'Arab spring'. it is more because the inclusive
government has failed to address youth unemployment holistically and has
unfortunately sought to purchase support of young Zimbabweans through unclear
youth funds that have eventually mainly benefited those with proximity to
political power. Where the 2013 budget emphasizes 'vocational training' for
youths it accords them no particular role in the contemporary economy,
particularly via public work programmes such as the much vaunted
Plumtree-Mutare highway or even proposed rehabilitation of hospitals and other
state institutions. </span><o:p></o:p></span></div>
<span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif;"><span style="font-size: large;"><br /></span>
</span><br />
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin: 0in 0in 10pt; mso-margin-bottom-alt: auto; mso-margin-top-alt: auto; text-align: justify;">
<span style="color: #222222; font-family: Verdana, sans-serif; font-size: large;">In
conclusion, the CPC, being aware that budgets are not singular panaceas for
societal development, it is the progress that they make and provide for that
leads towards better and democratic distribution of the national cake. The 2013
budget however is not a major departure from what has been obtaining since 2009
where the template that informs it remains to the greater extent over reliant
on resources and knowledge support from the IMF and the World Bank,
institutions that were at the lead of implementing economic structural
adjustment programmes in the 90s. <o:p></o:p></span></div>
<span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif;"><span style="font-size: large;"><br /></span>
</span><br />
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin: 0in 0in 10pt; mso-margin-bottom-alt: auto; mso-margin-top-alt: auto; text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif; font-size: large;"><span style="color: #222222;">It is
unfortunate that in contemporary times, the inclusive government continues to
inadequately address the contextual economic problems that Zimbabwe faces
through similarly arrived at templates. </span><o:p></o:p></span></div>
<span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif;"><span style="font-size: large;"><br /></span>
</span><br />
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin: 0in 0in 10pt; mso-margin-bottom-alt: auto; mso-margin-top-alt: auto; text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
Our Country Toohttp://www.blogger.com/profile/15835097949283298579noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-6203271665638639114.post-43545498793998062042012-10-29T03:48:00.000-07:002015-07-03T09:12:34.657-07:00SUBMISSIONS TO THE INCLUSIVE GOVERNMENT ON THE PENDING 2013 ANNUAL BUDGET PRESENTATION BY THE MINISTRY OF FINANCE<span style="font-size: large;"><span style="font-family: Courier New, Courier, monospace;"><br /></span>
</span><br />
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<b><i><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif; font-size: large;">The Honorable Tendai Biti (MP)</span></i></b></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<b><i><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif; font-size: large;">Minister of Finance<o:p></o:p></span></i></b></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<b><i><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif; font-size: large;">New Government Complex<o:p></o:p></span></i></b></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<b><i><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif; font-size: large;">Harare<o:p></o:p></span></i></b></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 200%;">
<b><i><span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif; font-size: large;"><span lang="EN-US">Zimbabwe</span><span lang="EN-US"> </span><o:p></o:p></span></i></b></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<b><i><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif; font-size: large;">29 October 2012</span></i></b><br />
<b><i><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif; font-size: large;"><br /></span></i></b></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<b><i><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif; font-size: large;">Dear Minister Biti<o:p></o:p></span></i></b><br />
<b><i><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif; font-size: large;"><br /></span></i></b></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<b><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif; font-size: large;">RE: COMMITTEE OF THE
PEOPLES CHARTER (ZIMBABWE) SUBMISSIONS TO THE INCLUSIVE GOVERNMENT ON THE
PENDING 2013 ANNUAL BUDGET PRESENTATION BY THE MINISTRY OF FINANCE ( <i>A New
Social Democratic Deal for Zimbabwe)<o:p></o:p></i></span></b><br />
<b><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif; font-size: large;"><i><br /></i></span></b></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif; font-size: large;">The above matter refers:<b> </b> </span><br />
<span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif; font-size: large;"><span lang="EN-US"><br /></span>
<span lang="EN-US">On the 13<sup>th</sup> of October 2011, the
Committee of the Peoples Charter presented submissions to your good office for
on what we considered to be key priority areas for the 2012 Annual National
Budget. <o:p></o:p></span></span><br />
<span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif; font-size: large;"><br /></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif; font-size: large;">We noted that our submissions were not replied
to nor evidently put into consideration by the inclusive government. <o:p></o:p></span><br />
<span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif; font-size: large;"><br /></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif; font-size: large;">We therefore humbly re-submit the same document
with some changes mindful of the fact that the concerns that we raised in
October 2011 remain valid for consideration in the 2013 budget. <o:p></o:p></span><br />
<span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif; font-size: large;"><br /></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;">
<span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif; font-size: large;">In the interest of public transparency, we have
also copied this letter and the attached submissions to the Parliamentary
Portfolio Committee on Budget, Finance and Investment Promotion. We have also copied the same to civil society organisations.<o:p></o:p></span><br />
<span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif; font-size: large;"><br /></span></div>
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<span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif; font-size: large;">We therefore hope that these submissions will
be considered in the 2013 national budget.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif; font-size: large;">Kind regards,<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif; font-size: large;"><br /></span></div>
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<span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif; font-size: large;">Blessing Vava<o:p></o:p></span><br />
<span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif; font-size: large;"><br /></span></div>
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<span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif; font-size: large;">Secretary to the CPC<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<i><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif; font-size: large;">Cc<o:p></o:p></span></i></div>
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<span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif; font-size: large;"><i><span lang="EN-US">The Prime Minister’s Office, The Speakers Office, The Public Accounts
Portfolio Committee, </span></i><i><span lang="EN-US">The
Zimbabwe Congress of Trade Unions, The National Association of Non-Governmental
Organisations, The Zimbabwe Coalition on
Debt and Development, the Zimbabwe Lawyers for Human Rights, The National
Constitutional Assembly, Bulawayo Agenda, the National Aids Council, the
Zimbabwe Council of Churches, the Zimbabwe Catholic Bishops Conference, the
Zimbabwe National Chamber of Commerce, the Media Institute of Southern Africa
Zimbabwe Chapter, the Zimbabwe, The Media Alliance of Zimbabwe, the Crisis in
Zimbabwe Coalition, the Youth Forum, the Zimbabwe Human Rights NGO Forum, The
Zimbabwe National Students Union, Youth Forum<o:p></o:p></span></i></span></div>
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<b><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif; font-size: large; line-height: 200%;">COMMITTEE OF THE PEOPLES CHARTER
(ZIMBABWE) SUBMISSIONS TO THE INCLUSIVE GOVERNMENT ON THE PENDING 2013 ANNUAL
BUDGET PRESENTATION BY THE MINISTRY OF FINANCE<o:p></o:p></span></b></div>
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<b><u><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif; font-size: large; line-height: 200%;">THEME: <i>A New Social Democratic and Social Welfarist Deal for Zimbabwe.<o:p></o:p></i></span></u></b></div>
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<b><i><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif; font-size: large; line-height: 200%;">SUBMITTED
TO: The Ministry of Finance, Government of the Republic of Zimbabwe<o:p></o:p></span></i></b></div>
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<b><i><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif; font-size: large; line-height: 200%;"> Monday 29 OCTOBER 2012</span></i></b></div>
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<b><i><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif; font-size: large;">Contact Details: 348 Herbert Chitepo Harare, Zimbabwe,<o:p></o:p></span></i></b></div>
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<span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif; font-size: large;"><b><i><span lang="EN-US">Email: </span></i></b><span lang="EN-US"><a href="mailto:committee@zimbabwepeoplescharter.org"><b><i>committee@zimbabwepeoplescharter.org</i></b></a><b><i> <o:p></o:p></i></b></span></span></div>
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<b><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif; font-size: large; line-height: 200%;">A.
Introduction<o:p></o:p></span></b></div>
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<span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif; font-size: large;"><b><span lang="EN-US" style="line-height: 200%;">(i)</span></b><span lang="EN-US" style="line-height: 200%;">This is our considered input for
consideration by the Ministry of Finance as it prepares the projected national
budget for the year 2013. It is
important at the onset to make it apparent that in presenting this alternative
peoples budget framework the Committee of the Peoples Charter (CPC) submissions
are not made out of particular economic or financial expertise but commitment
to our country and commitment to democratic people centered government. And
in so doing, we wish to make it clearly
understood that these submissions are premised on our intention to see the
government prioritize the establishment of a <b>Social Democratic</b> ideological underpinning to the state, and a <b>Social Welfare</b> oriented national
economy. <o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif; font-size: large;"><b><span lang="EN-US" style="line-height: 200%;">(ii)</span></b><span lang="EN-US" style="line-height: 200%;"> We are also persuaded
that any Zimbabwean annual national budget should fundamentally serve the
citizens of this country. This makes such a policy document one that must have
the approval of the people of Zimbabwe, must talk to their collective national
and individual aspirations, address matters related to the livelihoods of
contemporary and future generations of the country and above all, seek to
promote democratic, people centered and accountable government within a <b><i>Social
Democratic and Social Welfare framework</i></b><i>.</i><o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif; font-size: large;"><b><span lang="EN-US" style="line-height: 200%;">(iii)</span></b><span lang="EN-US" style="line-height: 200%;"> Furthermore, in the three years that have
lapsed since the formation of the inclusive government, it is publicly
acknowledged and recognized that the inclusive government, through the Ministry
of Finance has, to its credit, sought to ensure that there is public
consultation over and around the formulation of key performance priorities of
the national budget. It is such an approach to the national budget that has
prompted the Committee of the Peoples Charter (CPC) to make its input to the
Ministry of Finance on this important national issue. The CPC, in the interest
of public transparency has also copied these submissions to all the relevant
portfolio committees of the Parliament of Zimbabwe and civil society organizations
with the intention of appraising fellow Zimbabweans on our views on matters
related to the 2013 national budget. <o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif; font-size: large;"><b><span lang="EN-US" style="line-height: 200%;">B. Founding
Premise of our Submissions.</span></b><span lang="EN-US" style="line-height: 200%;"><o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif; font-size: large;"><b><span lang="EN-US" style="line-height: 200%;">(i)</span></b><span lang="EN-US" style="line-height: 200%;">The CPC
is formed from the processes that led to the establishment of the
Zimbabwe People’s Charter that was penned by civil society organizations in
February 2008 at the Peoples Convention held in Harare, Zimbabwe. Over 3500
representatives of civil society organizations attended this meeting with the
express intention of bringing to the attention of national political leaders,
in particular those that had been involved in the SADC mediated negotiations in
the run-up to the March 2008 elections, the priorities that any Zimbabwean government
should consider henceforth. The
character of the output of this convention was <b><i>Social Democratic</i></b> as well
as keenly focused on the deliverance of a state that is a <b><i>Social Welfare state</i></b>.
This is as outlined in the 7 key tenets of the Zimbabwe Peoples Charter which
cover the political environment, the national economy and social welfare, the
constitutional reform process, the youth, women and gender, elections and our
national value system. <a href="file:///C:/Users/user/Desktop/toward%20a%20new%20social%20democratic%20deal%20for%20Zimbabwe-1.doc#_ftn1" name="_ftnref1" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span lang="EN-US" style="line-height: 115%;">[1]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></a> <o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif; font-size: large;"><b><span lang="EN-US" style="line-height: 200%;">(ii)</span></b><span lang="EN-US" style="line-height: 200%;"> With the passage of three
years since the formation of the inclusive government we are firmly aware that
the ideals enunciated in the Zimbabwe Peoples Charter have not been met for
reasons that include political contestations in the inclusive government; the
overwhelming of the initial signatory civil society organizations by the
politics of the inclusive government either by way of cooptation into
government programmes or through the
continued lack of enjoyment of their and fellow citizens fundamental human
rights to assemble or express themselves.
<o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif; font-size: large;"><b><span lang="EN-US" style="line-height: 200%;">(iii)</span></b><span lang="EN-US" style="line-height: 200%;"> Regardless of these
developments over the last three years, the CPC has remained committed to the
Peoples Charter in so far as it provides a Zimbabwean <b><i>Social Democratic and Social
Welfarist</i></b> standard of measurement of the performance of the inclusive
government or any other Zimbabwean government of the past or of the future. <o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif; font-size: large;"><b><span lang="EN-US" style="line-height: 200%;">(iv) </span></b><span lang="EN-US" style="line-height: 200%;">This standard, as
outlined in the Charter is premised on the history of our struggle for
liberation and our post independence struggles for full democratization. Both eras of struggle hold and still hold it
dear that all human beings are created equal, have the right to life and a life
of dignity, must be accorded the full
enjoyment of political and economic freedoms in any bill of rights as well as
universal suffrage and social and economic justice .<o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
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<b><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif; font-size: large; line-height: 200%;">C. The Attendant
Principles and Ten National Guiding Points and Actions That Should Inform Our
National Budget.<o:p></o:p></span></b></div>
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<span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif; font-size: large;"><b><span lang="EN-US" style="line-height: 200%;">(i)</span></b><span lang="EN-US" style="line-height: 200%;"> We realize that the
inclusive government is contested policy terrain given the different
ideological backgrounds of the three political parties that comprise it. This has meant that the national budget has
been characterized by politicized contestations as to how to reform and
revitalize the national economy. These contestations have also been
characterized by an unfortunate political party grandstanding at laying claim
to the incremental improvements that have been evident in the supply of goods
and services in the country. <o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif; font-size: large;"><b><span lang="EN-US" style="line-height: 200%;">(ii)</span></b><span lang="EN-US" style="line-height: 200%;"> In our view, it is
therefore imperative that the inclusive government considers re-thinking the
national budget in a different light. While it is accepted that the member
parties of the inclusive government are strange bedfellows and the workings of
government are generally informed by the politics of party positioning, the
inclusive government is failing to demonstrate the requisite ‘<b>common ground’</b> that led to its
formation. And it is this <b>‘common
ground’</b> with particular regards to the section of the preamble to the GPA
that states, “<i>committing ourselves to
putting our people and our country first by arresting the fall in living
standards and reversing the decline of our economy</i>” <a href="file:///C:/Users/user/Desktop/toward%20a%20new%20social%20democratic%20deal%20for%20Zimbabwe-1.doc#_ftn2" name="_ftnref2" title=""><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><!--[if !supportFootnotes]--><span class="MsoFootnoteReference"><span lang="EN-US" style="line-height: 115%;">[2]</span></span><!--[endif]--></span></a> that the
CPC wishes to draw to the attention of the Ministry of Finance and the entirety
of the inclusive government.<o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
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<span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif; font-size: large; line-height: 200%;"> It is also in
the following <i>Section D</i> of our
submissions that we emphasize that the inclusive government must of historical necessity take into account
the imperative that the national budget must be <b>Social Democratic </b>and <b>Social
Welfarist</b> in intent, purpose and practice. <o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<b><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif; font-size: large; line-height: 200%;">D. Defining
‘Common Ground’ In The National Economy.<o:p></o:p></span></b></div>
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<span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif; font-size: large;"><b><span lang="EN-US" style="line-height: 200%;">(i)</span></b><span lang="EN-US" style="line-height: 200%;"> It is generally held as
important that national budgets should seek to address in a holistic manner,
the livelihoods and aspirations of all citizens in a given country. This
includes the responsibility of the government to provide health, shelter,
education, general welfare, employment, opportunity to be inventive and public transport for all, while at the same time providing for the
necessary expansion of the national economy to not only meet these needs but
also compete regionally and globally to be a developed and democratic people
centered state. <o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif; font-size: large;"><b><span lang="EN-US" style="line-height: 200%;">(ii)</span></b><span lang="EN-US" style="line-height: 200%;"> Because of our country’s
history of the liberation war and the continuing post independence struggle for
full democratization, both in relation to the full realization of envisioned
political freedoms and the realization of a people-centered national economy,
we hold it imperative that the inclusive government actively seek national ‘common ground’ on the national economy. This is because where we have analysed the
politics of the liberation struggle and those of the struggle for full
democratization of the state as led by the labour unions in the 1990s, there are
threads that are common to both struggle epochs. The values of the liberation
war movements remain in tandem with those of the post independence struggles
for full democratization with particular emphasis on all players having
initially sought differing versions of a social democratic ideological thrust
to the state, upon independence or upon attainment of full democratization. <o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif; font-size: large;"><b><span lang="EN-US" style="line-height: 200%;">(iii)</span></b><span lang="EN-US" style="line-height: 200%;"> Evidence to the latter
point resides in the public knowledge that the main protagonists in the
inclusive government have generally referred to important national matters such
as land reform or indigenization as issues that they agree to in principle but
differ in the area of the methodology of implementation. It is our considered
view that the necessary compromise and in any event, the historically
determined common ground is that of having a national budget presented within
the context of social democratic ideals. <o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif; font-size: large;"><b><span lang="EN-US" style="line-height: 200%;">(iv)</span></b><span lang="EN-US" style="line-height: 200%;"> This would preferably be
termed and themed, <b><i>A New Social Democratic and
Social Welfare Deal for Zimbabwe</i></b> and would be characterized by the
following 10 (ten) national principles: <o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
<div class="MsoListParagraphCxSpFirst" style="line-height: 200%; mso-list: l0 level1 lfo1; text-indent: -.25in;">
<!--[if !supportLists]--><span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif; font-size: large;"><b><span lang="EN-US" style="line-height: 200%;">1.<span style="font-weight: normal; line-height: normal;"> </span></span></b><span lang="EN-US" style="line-height: 200%;">A
re-affirmation of the liberation struggle and post independence struggles for
full democratization ideals based on the aspirations enunciated in these same
struggles which were and are primarily aimed at achieving universal suffrage,
democracy, political and economic freedoms, social welfare and gender equality
for all Zimbabweans.<o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
<div class="MsoListParagraphCxSpMiddle" style="text-indent: -0.25in;">
<!--[if !supportLists]--><span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif; font-size: large;"><span lang="EN-US" style="line-height: 200%;">2.</span><span lang="EN-US"> </span><span style="line-height: 200%;"><span lang="EN-US" style="line-height: 200%;">A commitment
to upholding the democratic truth that in the formulation of a national budget,
a sitting government of the day must ensure that there is full declaration of
the country’s assets, its actual revenue and its potential revenue together
with the sources of the same.<o:p></o:p></span></span></span></div>
<div class="MsoListParagraphCxSpMiddle" style="text-indent: -0.25in;">
<!--[if !supportLists]--><span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif; font-size: large;"><span lang="EN-US" style="line-height: 200%;">3.</span><span lang="EN-US"> </span><span style="line-height: 200%;"><span lang="EN-US" style="line-height: 200%;">A continued
commitment to seeking Zimbabwean solutions to Zimbabwean problems within the
context of a globalised World. This would take into account the fact that it
remains Zimbabwe’s national prerogative to negotiate with the World in what is
democratically held to be in the country and citizen’s best social democratic interests.<o:p></o:p></span></span></span></div>
<div class="MsoListParagraphCxSpMiddle" style="line-height: 200%; mso-list: l0 level1 lfo1; text-indent: -.25in;">
<!--[if !supportLists]--><span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif; font-size: large;"><span lang="EN-US" style="line-height: 200%;">4.<span style="line-height: normal;"> </span></span><span lang="EN-US" style="line-height: 200%;">A commitment
to the re-establishment and improvement of a social welfare state. That is, a
state that understands and implements the provision of health; education for
all; public transport; basic nutrition for children according to
UNICEF standards; access to water; employment
creation; social welfare grants for the unemployed; specific social welfare
grants for women; and natural or human made disaster support
for all its citizens.<o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
<div class="MsoListParagraphCxSpMiddle" style="text-indent: -0.25in;">
<!--[if !supportLists]--><span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif; font-size: large;"><span lang="EN-US" style="line-height: 200%;">5.</span><span lang="EN-US"> </span><span style="line-height: 200%;"><span lang="EN-US" style="line-height: 200%;">A commitment
to the full enjoyment of universally accepted and acknowledged human rights; the rule of law and the separation of powers
that are expected in a democratic state.<o:p></o:p></span></span></span></div>
<div class="MsoListParagraphCxSpMiddle" style="text-indent: -0.25in;">
<!--[if !supportLists]--><span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif; font-size: large;"><span lang="EN-US" style="line-height: 200%;">6.</span><span lang="EN-US"> </span><span style="line-height: 200%;"><span lang="EN-US" style="line-height: 200%;">An
understanding that it is obligatory upon the state to ensure equitable just and
accountable re-distribution of the land for the benefit of the majority rural
and urban poor in order to guarantee their food security. This would entail
that the state establish an independent Land Commission <o:p></o:p></span></span></span></div>
<div class="MsoListParagraphCxSpMiddle" style="line-height: 200%; mso-list: l0 level1 lfo1; text-indent: -.25in;">
<!--[if !supportLists]--><span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif; font-size: large;"><span lang="EN-US" style="line-height: 200%;">7.<span style="line-height: normal;"> </span></span><span lang="EN-US" style="line-height: 200%;">A commitment
to the democratic imperative that all national wealth acquired from our natural
minerals must be harnessed primarily to provide resource support for the social
welfare needs of the country’s citizens i.e education, health, public
transport, access to water and basic nutrition. In tandem with this commitment
that the government must commit itself to public disclosure as to the amount of
revenue it has acquired and will acquire from all of our national mineral
wealth for the full knowledge of the public.<o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
<div class="MsoListParagraphCxSpMiddle" style="line-height: 200%; mso-list: l0 level1 lfo1; text-indent: -.25in;">
<!--[if !supportLists]--><span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif; font-size: large;"><span lang="EN-US" style="line-height: 200%;">8.<span style="line-height: normal;"> </span></span><span lang="EN-US" style="line-height: 200%;">A re-commitment
and pledge to gender equality in all spheres of Zimbabwean society and the active promotion of women’s rights as
well as the protection of the rights of young females. This includes giving
preferential treatment to young females in the arenas of health, education
(both basic and tertiary), and in employment. It also includes ensuring a
special social welfare grant be given to all women headed households and
disadvantaged women in general.<o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
<div class="MsoListParagraphCxSpMiddle" style="line-height: 200%; mso-list: l0 level1 lfo1; text-indent: -.25in;">
<!--[if !supportLists]--><span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif; font-size: large;"><span lang="EN-US" style="line-height: 200%;">9.<span style="line-height: normal;"> </span></span><span lang="EN-US" style="line-height: 200%;">A
re-commitment and pledge to ensure that all young people of Zimbabwe have
access to free and quality education up to tertiary level, access to health, access
to employment and access to social welfare grants where they are economically
disadvantaged.<o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
<div class="MsoListParagraphCxSpMiddle" style="text-indent: -0.25in;">
<!--[if !supportLists]--><span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif; font-size: large;"><span lang="EN-US" style="line-height: 200%;">10.</span><span lang="EN-US"> </span><span style="line-height: 200%;"><span lang="EN-US" style="line-height: 200%;">A
re-commitment to solidarity with the peoples in the Zimbabwean Diaspora, the
peoples of Southern Africa and the African continent premised on accepting the
ideals and<b> </b>principles of democratic governance grounded in a firm understanding
of our shared struggle histories and our continued struggles for the assertion
of African identity, unity and solidarity with the rest of the world. This
understanding will also reaffirm our commitment to the United Nations Charter
as well as the United Nations Declaration of Human Rights with its attendant
Conventions.</span></span></span></div>
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<span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif; font-size: large; line-height: 200%;">E.The Pragmatic
Urgency of the 2013 Budget Minus Political Expediency.<b><o:p></o:p></b></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif; font-size: large;"><b><span lang="EN-US" style="line-height: 200%;">(i)</span></b><span lang="EN-US" style="line-height: 200%;"> We are aware of the urgency of the 2013 budget in relation
to our ongoing national economic crises wherein our social service provision has
remained low, unemployment levels remain high and our industries are yet to
regain the momentum that was lost in the last 15 years. <o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 200%; margin-left: .25in;">
<span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif; font-size: large;"><b><span lang="EN-US" style="line-height: 200%;">(ii)</span></b><span lang="EN-US" style="line-height: 200%;"> We are also cognizant of the political decisions that will
inform the allocation of resources for a national Constitutional Referendum and
a General Election. <o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 200%; margin-left: .25in;">
<span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif; font-size: large;"><b><span lang="EN-US" style="line-height: 200%;">(iii)</span></b><span lang="EN-US" style="line-height: 200%;"> It is however our considered view that the national budget
should not be beholden to these two processes without addressing the nine
principles enunciated above. <o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 200%; margin-left: .25in;">
<span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif; font-size: large;"><b><span lang="EN-US" style="line-height: 200%;">(iv)</span></b><span lang="EN-US" style="line-height: 200%;"> To ensure that this does not happen we strongly recommend a
clear demarcation in the national budget to matters related to the functional
components of the national economy from the political ones that have been
pre-determined by the GPA. This is to say, where the government has budgeted
for the political processes of referendum and elections, the political implementation
matrix unlike in the last two financial years, should not evidently cause
unnecessary stagnation in the provision of the social welfare needs of the
people of Zimbabwe. <o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 200%; margin-left: .25in;">
<span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif; font-size: large;"><b><span lang="EN-US" style="line-height: 200%;">(v)</span></b><span lang="EN-US" style="line-height: 200%;"> It is therefore our considered proposal that the Ministry of
Finance makes the following distinction in the national budget:<o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
<div class="MsoListParagraphCxSpFirst" style="line-height: 200%; margin-left: .75in; mso-add-space: auto; mso-list: l2 level1 lfo2; text-indent: -.25in;">
<!--[if !supportLists]--><span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif; font-size: large;"><b><i><span lang="EN-US" style="line-height: 200%;">1.</span></i></b><b><span lang="EN-US" style="line-height: 200%;">The ‘Common Ground’ Functional Economic Provisions:</span></b><span lang="EN-US" style="line-height: 200%;"> these budgetary
provisions would take into account what we have highlighted as the ‘common
ground’ that the budget must address. These provisions essentially point to
matters that should not be directly beholden to any decision by the three
principals in the inclusive government post their agreement to these same said
‘common ground’ principles. For
emphasis, these provisions should also include budgetary allocations for the
enjoyment of our human rights and political freedoms as well as the rule of law
and be firmly grounded in <b><i>Social democratic and Social Welfarist ideals.<o:p></o:p></i></b></span></span></div>
<div class="MsoListParagraphCxSpMiddle" style="line-height: 200%; margin-left: .75in; mso-add-space: auto; mso-list: l2 level1 lfo2; text-indent: -.25in;">
<!--[if !supportLists]--><span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif; font-size: large;"><span lang="EN-US" style="line-height: 200%;">2.</span><b><span lang="EN-US" style="line-height: 200%;">The
Contingent GPA Provisions</span></b><span lang="EN-US" style="line-height: 200%;">: These provisions will be set aside to ensure that political
contestations via democratic elections are provided for without undermining the
national economic ‘common ground’. This would mean where and when the three
principals to the GPA decide to call for elections, these political processes
should not stop the functioning of the state in relation to its ability to
provide essential services as occurred in the contestations between 2000 and
2008. <o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
<div class="MsoListParagraphCxSpLast" style="line-height: 200%; margin-left: .75in; mso-add-space: auto; mso-list: l2 level1 lfo2; text-indent: -.25in;">
<!--[if !supportLists]--><span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif; font-size: large;"><span lang="EN-US" style="line-height: 200%;">3.</span><b><span lang="EN-US" style="line-height: 200%;">It’s Our
Country too. </span></b><span lang="EN-US" style="line-height: 200%;">Such provisions will make it clear to the people of Zimbabwe that whereas
the politics of our national leaders remains important in relation to who is in
charge of our government, in the event that they disagree as they have done in
the last two and a half years, our country should not be permitted to collapse
on that basis alone. It is the prerogative and duty of all citizens to remain
committed to the Zimbabwean state, hold it to account on broader and non
partisan values that assert our collective humanity and where possible, avoid
the proverbial circumstance of ‘when elephants fight, it is the grass that
suffers’. <o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 200%;">
<b><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif; font-size: large; line-height: 200%;">F. The Proposed
Priorities for the 2013 Budget.<o:p></o:p></span></b></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 200%;">
<span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif; font-size: large;"><b><span lang="EN-US" style="line-height: 200%;">(i)</span></b><span lang="EN-US" style="line-height: 200%;"> For emphasis and with due
consideration of the economic circumstances that the country is facing we
humbly propose that the inclusive government prioritizes the following in its
2013 Budget:<o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 200%;">
<b><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif; font-size: large; line-height: 200%;">(ii) ‘Common
Ground Provisions’<o:p></o:p></span></b></div>
<div class="MsoListParagraphCxSpFirst" style="line-height: 200%; margin-left: 1.0in; mso-add-space: auto; mso-list: l1 level1 lfo3; text-indent: -.25in;">
<!--[if !supportLists]--><span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif; font-size: large;"><span lang="EN-US" style="line-height: 200%;">1.</span><span lang="EN-US" style="line-height: 200%;">Restoration of full functionality and
professionalism at all major referral government and local government hospitals
in Zimbabwe inclusive of free treatment and medication for the majority poor;
free and guaranteed access to electricity for all of these hospitals, fair
remuneration for all medical personnel and the re-launch of a health for all
nationwide awareness campaign.<o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
<div class="MsoListParagraphCxSpMiddle" style="line-height: 200%; margin-left: 1.0in; mso-add-space: auto; mso-list: l1 level1 lfo3; text-indent: -.25in;">
<!--[if !supportLists]--><span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif; font-size: large;"><span lang="EN-US" style="line-height: 200%;">2.</span><span lang="EN-US" style="line-height: 200%;">Provision for free primary school
education for all, subsidization of all government secondary school budgets,
restoration of the student loan schemes for tertiary education in collaboration
with university and college administrations and the establishment of a national
education policy that is much more sensitive to the aspirations of Zimbabwe’s
Generation Next.<o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
<div class="MsoListParagraphCxSpMiddle" style="line-height: 200%; margin-left: 1.0in; mso-add-space: auto; mso-list: l1 level1 lfo3; text-indent: -.25in;">
<!--[if !supportLists]--><span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif; font-size: large;"><span lang="EN-US" style="line-height: 200%;">3.</span><span lang="EN-US" style="line-height: 200%;">Provision for Parliament that relate
more to its oversight role than it does to the remuneration of Members of
Parliament without being over-reliant on donor funding. This will serve to
guarantee its independence.<o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
<div class="MsoListParagraphCxSpMiddle" style="line-height: 200%; margin-left: 1.0in; mso-add-space: auto; mso-list: l1 level1 lfo3; text-indent: -.25in;">
<!--[if !supportLists]--><span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif; font-size: large;"><span lang="EN-US" style="line-height: 200%;">4.</span><span lang="EN-US" style="line-height: 200%;">Provision for a fully functional
Judiciary, with permission for greater decentralization of its functions for
the full implementation of the rule of law and guarantees to its independence.<o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
<div class="MsoListParagraphCxSpMiddle" style="line-height: 200%; margin-left: 1.0in; mso-add-space: auto; mso-list: l1 level1 lfo3; text-indent: -.25in;">
<!--[if !supportLists]--><span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif; font-size: large;"><span lang="EN-US" style="line-height: 200%;">5.</span><span lang="EN-US" style="line-height: 200%;">Provision for the land reform
programmes hitherto, with access to agricultural inputs and
infrastructural developments remaining a
priority; the land audit becoming a reality; the establishment and full
functioning of an independent land commission as well as compensation for those
who unjustly lost their livelihoods during the various phases of the land
reform programmes after independence.<o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
<div class="MsoListParagraphCxSpMiddle" style="line-height: 200%; margin-left: 1.0in; mso-add-space: auto; mso-list: l1 level1 lfo3; text-indent: -.25in;">
<!--[if !supportLists]--><span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif; font-size: large;"><span lang="EN-US" style="line-height: 200%;">6.</span><span lang="EN-US" style="line-height: 200%;">Provision for the revival of a electricity,
road/ rail and telecommunications systems
in order to improve public transport and communications. This would entail an
revised incorporation of the National Railways of Zimbabwe and its national
rail network with particular emphasis on urban passenger services as well as
urban-rural passenger services; a revitalization of our fixed telephone
networks to intergrate them with our mobile telephony for greater communication
between citizens and the urgent refurbishment of outstanding power stations.<o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
<div class="MsoListParagraphCxSpMiddle" style="line-height: 200%; margin-left: 1.0in; mso-add-space: auto; mso-list: l1 level1 lfo3; text-indent: -.25in;">
<!--[if !supportLists]--><span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif; font-size: large;"><span lang="EN-US" style="line-height: 200%;">7.</span><span lang="EN-US" style="line-height: 200%;">Provisions for the utilization of
revenue from the entirety of the mining industry into the national health
system to purchase modern and up to date medical equipment, drugs as well as input directly into the
revival of our national emergency response systems such as the Fire Brigade,
Civil Protection Unit, and ambulance services. <o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
<div class="MsoListParagraphCxSpMiddle" style="line-height: 200%; margin-left: 1.0in; mso-add-space: auto; mso-list: l1 level1 lfo3; text-indent: -.25in;">
<!--[if !supportLists]--><span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif; font-size: large;"><span lang="EN-US" style="line-height: 200%;">8.</span><span lang="EN-US" style="line-height: 200%;">Provision for the expansion of the
ability of Zimbabweans to receive and impart information through the
establishment of a separate Media Development and Diversity Fund to assist in
the establishment of independent private and community radio stations, boost
transmission capacities of the same and assist the print media in their
viability challenges. <o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
<div class="MsoListParagraphCxSpMiddle" style="line-height: 200%; margin-left: 1.0in; mso-add-space: auto; mso-list: l1 level1 lfo3; text-indent: -.25in;">
<!--[if !supportLists]--><span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif; font-size: large;"><b><span lang="EN-US" style="line-height: 200%;">9.</span></b><span lang="EN-US" style="line-height: 200%;">Provision
for a holistic review of all state enterprises within the context of having
their functions fulfill the <b><i>New Social Democratic and Social Welfarist Deal
for Zimbabwe.</i><o:p></o:p></b></span></span></div>
<div class="MsoListParagraphCxSpMiddle" style="margin-left: 1in; text-indent: -0.25in;">
<!--[if !supportLists]--><span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif; font-size: large;"><span lang="EN-US" style="line-height: 200%;">10.</span><span lang="EN-US"><span style="line-height: 200%;">Provisions for a ‘Bridging the Gap’
Re-</span><span style="line-height: 32px;">integration</span><span style="line-height: 200%;"> and Linkage Fund for the
Diaspora with the express aim of ensuring that we communicate and integrate the
Diaspora into our national debate and our national planning processes. <o:p></o:p></span></span></span></div>
<div class="MsoListParagraphCxSpMiddle" style="line-height: 200%; margin-left: 1.0in; mso-add-space: auto; mso-list: l1 level1 lfo3; text-indent: -.25in;">
<!--[if !supportLists]--><span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif; font-size: large;"><span lang="EN-US" style="line-height: 200%;">11.</span><span lang="EN-US" style="line-height: 200%;">Provisions for the revival of our
industrial sectors in relation to basic commodity production, mining,
agriculture, tourism, industrial and mechanized heavy duty production,
information communications technologies, all premised on the understanding that
their operations are predicated on a <b><i>Social Democratic and Social Welfarist</i></b>
societal vision and reality.<o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
<div class="MsoListParagraphCxSpLast" style="line-height: 200%; margin-left: 1.0in; mso-add-space: auto; mso-list: l1 level1 lfo3; text-indent: -.25in;">
<!--[if !supportLists]--><span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif; font-size: large;"><span lang="EN-US" style="line-height: 200%;">12.</span><span lang="EN-US" style="line-height: 200%;">Provisions for the on-going global
efforts to tackle the global problem of Climate Change which will include a
much more comprehensive funding programme for the Metrological Department, the re-invigoration
of our public awareness campaigns on clean and eco-friendly environmental
usage, that also is cognizant of the dangers of seeking Foreign Direct
investment in bio-fuels that damage the environment. <o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 200%;">
<b><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif; font-size: large; line-height: 200%;">(iii) ‘GPA
Provisions’<o:p></o:p></span></b></div>
<div class="MsoListParagraphCxSpFirst" style="line-height: 200%; margin-left: 1.0in; mso-add-space: auto; mso-list: l3 level1 lfo4; text-indent: -.25in;">
<!--[if !supportLists]--><span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif; font-size: large;"><span lang="EN-US" style="line-height: 200%;">1.</span><span lang="EN-US" style="line-height: 200%;">Provisions for the finalization of
the constitutional reform process with
acknowledgement that it remains the right of Zimbabweans to reject or accept
the draft constitution being written by
COPAC. Further still, to provide necessary resources for knowledge
dissemination on the end result of the COPAC constitution as well as potential
re-engagement with the Zimbabwean public on the aftermath of the COPAC process
regardless of its outcome.<o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
<div class="MsoListParagraphCxSpMiddle" style="line-height: 200%; margin-left: 1.0in; mso-add-space: auto; mso-list: l3 level1 lfo4; text-indent: -.25in;">
<!--[if !supportLists]--><span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif; font-size: large;"><span lang="EN-US" style="line-height: 200%;">2.<span style="line-height: normal;"> </span></span><span lang="EN-US" style="line-height: 200%;">Provision for the continued reform
and full functioning of the Zimbabwe Electoral Commission and the attendant
enabling legislation with the express
aim of fully democratizing electoral processes in Zimbabwe.<o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
<div class="MsoListParagraphCxSpMiddle" style="line-height: 200%; margin-left: 1.0in; mso-add-space: auto; mso-list: l3 level1 lfo4; text-indent: -.25in;">
<!--[if !supportLists]--><span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif; font-size: large;"><span lang="EN-US" style="line-height: 200%;">3.<span style="line-height: normal;"> </span></span><span lang="EN-US" style="line-height: 200%;">Provision for a national elections
referendum, i.e to hold a national referendum on whether or not the country is
ready for elections given the pace and progress of reform. <o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
<div class="MsoListParagraphCxSpMiddle" style="line-height: 200%; margin-left: 1.0in; mso-add-space: auto; mso-list: l3 level1 lfo4; text-indent: -.25in;">
<!--[if !supportLists]--><span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif; font-size: large;"><span lang="EN-US" style="line-height: 200%;">4.<span style="line-height: normal;"> </span></span><span lang="EN-US" style="line-height: 200%;">Provision for national elections in
the aftermath of a national referendum to determine the nation’s satisfaction
with the relevant electoral reforms.<o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
<div class="MsoListParagraphCxSpLast" style="line-height: 200%; margin-left: 1.0in; mso-add-space: auto; mso-list: l3 level1 lfo4; text-indent: -.25in;">
<!--[if !supportLists]--><span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif; font-size: large;"><span lang="EN-US" style="line-height: 200%;">5.<span style="line-height: normal;"> </span></span><span lang="EN-US" style="line-height: 200%;">Provisions for transitional justice
processes in the aftermath of a national election.<o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 200%;">
<b><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif; font-size: large; line-height: 200%;">G.
Conclusion<o:p></o:p></span></b></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 200%;">
<span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif; font-size: large; line-height: 200%;">The significance of the national budget cannot be more
apparent in our country, wherein, it represents a binding statement of intent
by the inclusive government to continue to seek solutions to our national political,
economic and social crises. Our submissions may, in some instances be deemed
idealistic or lacking in pragmatism. Where we are accused of being idealistic
we humbly submit that it is from our ideas that we become pragmatic just as it
is from believing in God, that we learn to bend on our knees in prayer. Our
submissions do not cover all aspects of the national budget, neither do they
undertake technical analyses of the National Fiscus. They do however take into
account, the realities that are faced by millions of Zimbabweans (at home and
abroad) and by so doing, offer a perspective that is intended to inform the
policy intentions of the inclusive government for the year 2013. As explained
in the first sections of this document, the basis of our submission is the
Zimbabwe Peoples Charter. This is not to say that the latter is a perfect
document, but it demonstrates a necessary understanding of the importance of
accountable and democratic government particularly so, in the context of our
country’s historical, contemporary and future challenges.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: 200%;">
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<br />Our Country Toohttp://www.blogger.com/profile/15835097949283298579noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-6203271665638639114.post-78555552936453950472012-04-20T02:03:00.000-07:002015-07-03T09:13:43.480-07:00Notes on 32 years of Zimbabwe's Independence<div dir="ltr" style="text-align: left;" trbidi="on">
<span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif;"><span style="font-size: large;"><br /></span>
</span><br />
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<b><span lang="EN-US" style="color: #1a1a1a; font-family: Verdana, sans-serif; font-size: large;">Navigating Zimbabwe's Democratic Transition at 32 years of independence.</span></b></div>
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<b><span lang="EN-US" style="color: #1a1a1a; font-family: Verdana, sans-serif; font-size: large;"><br /></span></b></div>
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<b><span lang="EN-US" style="color: #1a1a1a; font-family: Verdana, sans-serif; font-size: large;">By Tapera Kapuya</span></b></div>
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<span lang="EN-US" style="color: #1a1a1a; font-family: Verdana, sans-serif; font-size: large;"><br />
</span></div>
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<span lang="EN-US" style="color: #1a1a1a; font-family: Verdana, sans-serif; font-size: large;">Zimbabwe has just celebrated its 32 years of self-rule, all dominated by one political party and the same ‘big man’. It is a country at a crossroad: varying notions of history, conflicting perceptions on contemporary realities, and projections for its future are violently contested. But what can be agreed is that the country is in dire need for renewal and that renewal can no longer come from the old-guard nor the party of independence.</span></div>
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<span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif; font-size: large;"><br /></span></div>
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<span lang="EN-US" style="color: #1a1a1a; font-family: Verdana, sans-serif; font-size: large;">Whatever its past successes, and there are some, Zanu PF is unfit to rule and any further stay of this party and its leader, President Robert Mugabe, is a threat to the country’s national interest. Equally, whatever its short comings, and there are many, the MDC-T presents the only transitionary movement that can usher a second liberation for democratic and political freedoms. It is as such that it is prudent that we support its cause, for whatever, real or perceived, strategic reasons. <u></u><u></u></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif; font-size: large;"><br /></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif; font-size: large;"><span lang="EN-US" style="color: #1a1a1a;">The next 15 months are critical for Zimbabwe. They will determine whether a decade’s struggle for democracy and change can be consolidated toward the establishment of a new, freer, and fairer society. Failure to achieve this will sadly lead to growing acceptance of the Zanu PF regime, whether by choice or as a consequence of widespread political cynicism and defeatism by a majority of Zimbabweans. Worse, a paralyzed and divided democracy movement will form the primary legacy of the decade’s struggle against the Harare dictatorship.</span><span lang="EN-US"><u></u><u></u></span></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif; font-size: large;"><br /></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif; font-size: large;"><span lang="EN-US" style="color: #1a1a1a;">The current situation suggests considerable cause for concern for anyone interested in Zimbabwe’s democratic transition. The unity government constitutionally comes to an end mid-2013 and elections or another political negotiation, or both, will determine the country’s immediate future. President Robert Mugabe’s threat to speed up the election timetable aside, this is a fact that we must all contemplate and which must necessarily condition the scope of our interventions.</span><span lang="EN-US"><u></u><u></u></span></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif; font-size: large;"><br /></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif; font-size: large;"><span lang="EN-US" style="color: #1a1a1a;">It can be very tempting to brush Zanu PF aside and to be complacent, confident in predictions of a ready MDC-T victory. But from what we have learnt from the past elections, in particular the 2008 election, victories are only as good as the extent to which they can be consolidated and translated into claims to govern. The opposite happened: after MDC-T electoral wins, Zanu PF clutched onto the trophy and MDC-T’s protestations remained only that. The contestation resulted in the co-option of both MDCs into government, albeit with little, if any, powers to co-govern. The efficacy of this arrangement is as questionable.</span><span lang="EN-US"><u></u><u></u></span></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif; font-size: large;"><span lang="EN-US" style="color: #1a1a1a;">Many have interpreted Zanu PF’s readiness to enter an arrangement with the MDC strictly as a signal of the former’s weakness. Yet with the passing of time, all evidence points to the opposite. For Zanu PF, the unity government gave it room to breathe, weaken the opposition, and buy time. Cracks within its ranks that had become so wide by 2008 have been narrowed: skeptics who had begun to sit on the fence and cut deals to save their skin from the pending implosion are now coming back to the fold. For Zanu PF, the unity government serves as a strategic space within which to strengthen its weakened hold on power.</span><span lang="EN-US"><u></u><u></u></span></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif; font-size: large;"><span lang="EN-US" style="color: #1a1a1a;">To bolster this strategy, Zanu PF has retreated to its liberation war tactics, in particular, reactivating the party’s political-military alliance. And with a political machine on the wane, power seems to have shifted toward its military wing, giving the military an extended reach and growing influence in political and civilian affairs. It is this complex that has shaped many of the political events since 2000. It is this political-military alliance that guides Zanu PF’s march into its future. </span><span lang="EN-US"><u></u><u></u></span></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif; font-size: large;"><span lang="EN-US" style="color: #1a1a1a;">Unfortunately, the longer democratization takes, the more entrenched this alliance with the military becomes, constituting an ever larger force in our political life. This bodes ill for all of us, including those in Zanu PF for whom the military’s encroachment into political and civil space might have short-term benefits. As Jonathan Moyo once infamously opined: ‘you don’t invite the army and expect a picnic’. </span><span lang="EN-US"><u></u><u></u></span></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif; font-size: large;"><span lang="EN-US" style="color: #1a1a1a;">It has become increasingly evident that the next presidential elections are, for Zanu PF, primarily about using the national plebiscite to determine its internal party succession crisis. The current constitution holds a provision for a sitting president to be succeeded without cause for a national election in the event he dies, resigns or becomes incapable of performing his functions. In such an event, by design or nature, one of the Vice Presidents becomes caretaker president for 90days within which parliament sits as an electoral college to elect a new president to complete what would have remained of the term of office. This, many of us fear, might become handy for Zanu PF in the event of another disputed election. </span><span lang="EN-US"><u></u><u></u></span></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif; font-size: large;"><span lang="EN-US" style="color: #1a1a1a;">Mugabe is the only leader from Zanu PF’s ranks who can lead another violent election campaign and emerge with few fatal scars. The MDC and the international community will be disgusted and protest. But in the circles that really matter--SADC and the AU--Mugabe will receive little in the way of reprimand. Worse, as can be predicted, if he is to announce that he is stepping down to be succeeded by someone younger from within his fold, the international community, SADC and the AU will be likely to give the new ‘Mugabe’ a chance. Any protestations after this will not be met with the same receptive ears as the democracy movement currently enjoys.</span><span lang="EN-US"><u></u><u></u></span></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif; font-size: large;"><b><span lang="EN-US" style="color: #1a1a1a;">Thoughts on the MDC-T</span></b><b><span lang="EN-US"><u></u><u></u></span></b></span><br />
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<span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif; font-size: large;"><span lang="EN-US" style="color: #1a1a1a;">The gloom hinted at above should not prompt a sense of defeat among the many democracy- and freedom-loving Zimbabweans. Rather, it is a call for us to be introspective and to reflect upon the road we travel. The MDC-T, itself the central rallying force for political change in the country, must reconfigure its strategies and reaffirm its own goals. The past three years of the MDC-T’s mating with Zanu PF have undermined much of its capacity and legitimacy. </span><span lang="EN-US"><u></u><u></u></span></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif; font-size: large;"><span lang="EN-US" style="color: #1a1a1a;">With its senior leadership in government, the party’s structures have not been adequately strengthened. With few exceptions, the party appears to have a leadership without active followers. In several regions and districts, the party continues to rely on a ‘protest’ following - those who align with the MDC-T strictly on account of their antipathy to Zanu PF than out of genuine affinity for the MDC-T’s platform and values. Such a support base is unhealthy for any movement, for it limits its democratic contribution to the vote and is often less interested, if not wholly unaware, of its strategic role following elections.</span><span lang="EN-US"><u></u><u></u></span></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif; font-size: large;"><span lang="EN-US" style="color: #1a1a1a;">The party’s record in the government has not been compelling to date. While there are surely exceptions, few MDC cabinet members can convincingly justify why they are in office. The reasons are two pronged. First, Mugabe has never really shared any power at all. Over the years, he managed to craft a system allowing him to govern directly through permanent secretaries. These heads of departments have proven a key force in Zanu PF’s political machinery. Second, the municipalities are in disarray and the party’s presence in them, without a proper mechanism for effective policy implementation, has meant councilors and mayors are swimming in the sewer that have fallen into disrepair under Zanu PF’s rule. Zanu PF’s culpability has slowly been narrowed, if not replaced, in the minds of some by a cynicism that posits the MDCs as equally corrupt. This growing lack of trust in MDC may lead, particularly in urban Zimbabwe where support for the MDC is strongest, to growing passivity and voter apathy in the next plebiscite.</span><span lang="EN-US"><u></u><u></u></span></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif; font-size: large;"><span lang="EN-US" style="color: #1a1a1a;">A key strategic rationale for the MDC-T in government should have been, and must still be, to use the protection of the state and the relative immunity of their offices to embark on a campaign for total democracy. With no real work penned for them in government, this would be an ideal and strategic way to occupy their time and a strong justification for their presence in the sham we call a unity government.</span><span lang="EN-US"><u></u><u></u></span></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif; font-size: large;"><b><span lang="EN-US" style="color: #1a1a1a;">Mastering the Role of a Government in-Waiting</span></b><span lang="EN-US" style="color: #1a1a1a;"><u></u><u></u></span></span><br />
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<span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif; font-size: large;"><span lang="EN-US" style="color: #1a1a1a;">Beyond these initial steps, the party must also condition itself to the hard reality that change is coming, in one direction or another. As such, its organizing and mobilization platform can no longer be restricted to a mere anti-Mugabe/anti-Zanu platform. The party’s current and projected future presence in the government demands that it establish itself as a legitimate and competent government in waiting. The party needs a reservoir of skilled and competent professionals to swarm its ranks, bolster its policy units, and ready itself to govern.</span><span lang="EN-US"><u></u><u></u></span></span></div>
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<span lang="EN-US" style="color: #1a1a1a; font-family: Verdana, sans-serif; font-size: large;">Yet it must also be said that the MDC has, over the years, failed repeatedly to capitalize on the many skilled Zimbabweans who should have been recruited into its operational ranks. Moreover, the party should have, and must still, pursue a program of providing skills and capacity building training to shore up its strategic operational components, especially those geared towards its role in government, and to strengthen those components charged with driving a strong and determined campaign for state power. As things stand, the party’s present capacity is a mere shadow of its potential.<u></u><u></u></span></div>
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<span lang="EN-US" style="color: #1a1a1a; font-family: Verdana, sans-serif; font-size: large;">The emphasis is dual: build capacity to govern whilst also galvanizing the organizing, mobilization and campaign platforms of the party. There is an urgent need to support party structures, recruit members and inspire Zimbabweans to register, vote and, after voting, to defend their vote. Policy instruments of the party should address the multitude of social, economic and political challenges facing the country. Policy is the practical construction of promise, which when positioned as such in the popular imagination of the public would motivate every voter to act against any threats to a hopeful future. It should inspire even the hardened skeptics in Zanu PF, and the many sitting on the fence, that there is an equal chance for them in a new political order.<u></u><u></u></span></div>
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<span lang="EN-US" style="color: #1a1a1a; font-family: Verdana, sans-serif; font-size: large;">The blunt reality is that the MDC should prepare for, and ready itself for, elections. This is whether or not there are any fundamental reforms. It should never be expected for Zanu PF and Mugabe to institute reforms that they know will lead in their dethroning. If anything, the very reforms which the MDC and democracy movement calls for will only be possible after a change in government and not the other way round.<u></u><u></u></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif; font-size: large;"><span lang="EN-US" style="color: #1a1a1a;">The months ahead are critical for the democracy movement. Hard choices will need to be made, in an ever more treacherous struggle. But, as we have learned from history, fundamental political change can only result where those who lead it return to their popular base and galvanize the masses. There is no substitute for organizing and building a solid movement on the ground. The quicker we set out on this road, the greater the chances that our country can avoid succumbing to violent rule by a full-scale military dictatorship.</span><span style="color: #888888;"><span lang="EN-US" style="color: #222222;"><u></u><u></u></span></span></span></div>
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<span style="background-color: rgba(255, 255, 255, 0.921569); color: #222222; text-align: -webkit-auto;"><span style="color: #888888;"><span lang="EN-US" style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif; font-size: large;">Tapera Kapuya writes in his personal capacity: <a href="mailto:kapuyat@gmail.com" style="color: #1155cc;" target="_blank">kapuyat@gmail.com</a></span></span></span></div>
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Our Country Toohttp://www.blogger.com/profile/15835097949283298579noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-6203271665638639114.post-41526364911131527642012-04-17T05:34:00.002-07:002015-07-03T09:14:46.553-07:00Notes on 32 Years of Zimbabwe’s Independence: Part 2<!--[if gte mso 9]><xml> <o:DocumentProperties> <o:Version>12.00</o:Version> </o:DocumentProperties> </xml><![endif]--><!--[if gte mso 9]><xml> <w:WordDocument> <w:View>Normal</w:View> <w:Zoom>0</w:Zoom> <w:TrackMoves/> <w:TrackFormatting/> <w:PunctuationKerning/> <w:ValidateAgainstSchemas/> <w:SaveIfXMLInvalid>false</w:SaveIfXMLInvalid> <w:IgnoreMixedContent>false</w:IgnoreMixedContent> <w:AlwaysShowPlaceholderText>false</w:AlwaysShowPlaceholderText> <w:DoNotPromoteQF/> <w:LidThemeOther>EN-ZW</w:LidThemeOther> <w:LidThemeAsian>X-NONE</w:LidThemeAsian> <w:LidThemeComplexScript>AR-SA</w:LidThemeComplexScript> <w:Compatibility> <w:BreakWrappedTables/> <w:SnapToGridInCell/> <w:WrapTextWithPunct/> <w:UseAsianBreakRules/> <w:DontGrowAutofit/> <w:SplitPgBreakAndParaMark/> <w:DontVertAlignCellWithSp/> <w:DontBreakConstrainedForcedTables/> <w:DontVertAlignInTxbx/> <w:Word11KerningPairs/> <w:CachedColBalance/> </w:Compatibility> <w:BrowserLevel>MicrosoftInternetExplorer4</w:BrowserLevel> <m:mathPr> <m:mathFont m:val="Cambria Math"/> <m:brkBin m:val="before"/> <m:brkBinSub m:val="--"/> <m:smallFrac m:val="off"/> <m:dispDef/> <m:lMargin m:val="0"/> <m:rMargin m:val="0"/> <m:defJc m:val="centerGroup"/> <m:wrapIndent m:val="1440"/> <m:intLim m:val="subSup"/> <m:naryLim m:val="undOvr"/> </m:mathPr></w:WordDocument> </xml><![endif]--><!--[if gte mso 9]><xml> <w:LatentStyles DefLockedState="false" DefUnhideWhenUsed="true"
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<b style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif; font-size: x-large; line-height: 12.9pt;"><span style="background-attachment: scroll; background-image: none; background-position: 0% 0%; background-repeat: repeat; color: #222222;">Brief Preface:</span></b></div>
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<span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif; font-size: large;"><span style="background-attachment: scroll; background-color: white; background-image: none; background-position: 0% 0%; background-repeat: repeat repeat; color: #222222;">Please see below, the last two essays written by Zimbabweans in aide of seeking to reflect on the nature and meaning of 32<sup>nd</sup> commemorations of our national independence in Zimbabwe. The first three essays covering three topics, national historical consciousness, reflections of young Zimbabweans on the meaning of independence and tracing the fading democratic value of leadership in Zimbabwe were published last week. The electronic publication of these essays has been facilitated by the Zimbabwe Committee of the Peoples Charter (</span><span style="color: #333333;"><a href="http://peoplescharter.blogspot.com/2012/02/resolutions-of-commemorative-meeting-of.html"><span style="color: #888888; text-decoration: none;">http://peoplescharter.blogspot.com/2012/02/resolutions-of-commemorative-meeting-of.html</span></a></span><span style="color: #333333;">) .</span><span style="color: #333333;">The essays will allow for increased public debate on the meaning of our national independence.</span><span style="color: #333333;"></span></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif; font-size: large;"><span style="color: #333333;">Kind regards,</span><span style="color: #333333;"></span></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif; font-size: large;"><b><span style="color: #333333;">Committee of the People’s Charter.</span></b><span style="color: #333333;"></span></span></div>
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<b><span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif; font-size: large; line-height: 115%;">Locating our national value system; 32 years after independence.</span></b></div>
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<span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif; font-size: large;"><b><span style="line-height: 115%;">Kudakwashe Chakabva</span></b><span style="line-height: 115%;"></span></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif; font-size: large; line-height: 115%;">When some legislators and their associates were arrested and some acquitted for abusing the Constituency Development Fund (CDF) some sections of the society hoped that a new culture of accountability was being nurtured. Others dismissed it as just but a public relations gimmick by the Anti Corruption Commission (ACC). But the most striking feature about the CDF issue is that it reflected how deep corruption has potentially embedded itself in our society, corroding even the leadership of our people. It is from this end that it becomes of value to question whether we as a nation-state still have a national value mentality and if not how that national value system can be re-invented as a set principles of integrity upon which we must commit our individual as well as collective being.</span></div>
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<span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif; font-size: large; line-height: 115%;">On 19 April, Zimbabwe will celebrate the fall of the union jack, the symbol of British colonial empire. An empire which was run based a system of racial denigration, social degradation and economic exploitation. In this set up the blacks were envisioned to be useless as co-architects of a normal society as such the war of liberation was justifiable. The purpose of this war while being prima facie against minority rule was also a war against a system in which state security apparatus were abused to maintain the hold on power of a small cliché to the detriment of sovereign majority. In the ensuing liberation struggle that occurred, thousands of lives were tragically lost.</span></div>
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<span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif; font-size: large; line-height: 115%;">The question which should haunt us but more importantly our leaders today is how can one interpret the vision and purpose of the war and locate it in our current national psyche. To find the link between the vision and necessity of the war of liberation should thus define to us what kind of a nation our leaders envision or how they defaulted from the integrity of the liberation cause.</span></div>
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<span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif; font-size: large; line-height: 115%;">A country born out of the mere need to capture state power is obviously a perfect experiment board for all political crocks and thieves. It is a system in which the state exists only to serve the desires of those at its helm and citizens become subjects existing to serve the state. This was the character of the colonial state, a state established on a vile racist value system. Under this set up a group of men would occupy themselves with the business of the state and in order to exercise this rule they needed a special apparatus of coercion to subjugate the will of others by force and a massive investment in institutions of coercion such as prison, police armies and intelligence pre-occupied their rule.</span></div>
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<span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif; font-size: large; line-height: 115%;">In the thirty-two that have passed since Zimbabweans brought down that colonial state, what then is the demarcation between the Rhodesian and Zimbabwean system of values?</span></div>
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<span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif; font-size: large; line-height: 115%;">More questions than answers come in to ask of the values of an independent country (Zimbabwe) in which at least twenty thousand citizens perished by the sword of fellow countryman just a few years after ending the colonial establishment. When elections are synonymous with the long night of swords as brother fights brother deny one another the right to vote yet the struggle for liberation was fought for many reasons but also the right to one man one woman’s right to vote. And neighbors butcher one another not necessarily because of so fanatical ideological differences but just to appease a long distance political leader.</span></div>
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<span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif; font-size: large; line-height: 115%;">What should constitute an independent Zimbabwe when colonial legislative tools such as the notorious Law and Order Maintenance Act (1965) reincarnate obviously under new names (POSA) but carrying the same repressive strength. And then what was the gist of the struggle when we all acknowledge that the colonial economy resulted in massive marginalization and social inequalities especially of the rural communities yet a whole cabinet minister and Member of Parliament takes the money allocated for the development of such a poor rural community and builds a mansion for his sister.</span></div>
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<span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif; font-size: large; line-height: 115%;">It is obvious that those who initiated the struggle for democracy noted this negation of the true essence of the liberation fight and for years the movement stood firm in a quest to rediscover and fulfill that meaning, until the discovery of the opportunity of space at the feeding trough. The values which had kept the democratic movement firm much to the annoyance of the brutal regime where hastily thrown away in preference of political and economic expedience shared with or even offered by the hitherto enemy.</span></div>
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<span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif; font-size: large; line-height: 115%;">Questions which were answered by long standing convention resolutions true to the movement’s founding documents are now responded to because of one’s proximity to monetary resources not ideals. In the en and they too make desperate attempts to find political arguments to defend not just themselves but the actions of the enemy as well. Such is the insidious effect of a clique of people starved of systematic set of principles which should separate wrong from right.</span></div>
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<span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif; font-size: large; line-height: 115%;">It is obvious that our current political course has defaulted from the envisioned revolutionary path and this has partly been due to the politics of greed necessitated by the lack of institutions of accountability. The one mistake committed by the people of Zimbabwe was to let the independence excitement undermine their ability to monitor and participate in key political activities. Instead of taking the vanguard role we became spectators much to the favor of the politicians who took advantage of the disinterest and fortified their hold on power. Politics was subsequently made a domain for a few characterized by wanton violence, corruption, intimidation, imprisonment, as well as the personalization of institutions. Because of this dislocation the first few years of independence were years of unchecked or unmonitored political madness resulting in the deviation of the revolutionary course and its value system.</span></div>
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<span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif; font-size: large; line-height: 115%;">True ‘a nation can survive its fools and even the ambitious. But it can not survive treason from within’ as Cicero said. For it is not necessarily the absence of resources nor the efficiency of the enemy that has seen our democratic struggle taking a prolonged nature but also the pathetic politics of inconsistency in our demands .The pursuit of petty personality politics that is embedded in ill-learned primitive tribal arguments all of which do not resonate with the aspirations of the ordinary citizen. It feels the same for one to sign a document which binds him in solidarity with others and as soon as possible ignore the dictates of the agreement, in a sense the<i>Morrison Nyati</i> Syndrome of betrayal does not affect our conscience nor does it teach us anything for so long as our financial gains keep flowing. All these and others add up to demand a single thing; a system of values of integrity that recognizes the humanity and responsibility of each and every individual in the society, with the firm knowledge that our legacies should be passed from generation to generation.</span></div>
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<span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif; font-size: large; line-height: 115%;">Because independence means a quest for self determination, the task of this generation of ours lies in our ability to interpret and effect the vision of our country’s true founding fathers who today rest motionless. We must reclaim that vision from the empty political demagoguery of present day. This must be done conscious of the fact that political power lies not in the hands of a few political faces, but in a politically conscious mass. Because the aim of political parties is the capture of state power upon which they will be able to employ their own policies. However most politicians are motivated not by the desire to serve the governed but by the prospects of nippy financial gains and acquiring state power is one surest way of achieving that. To this end power must be kept at all costs. This then means that it must be duty of the citizens, we the people to control the politicians and politics of the country.</span></div>
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<span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif; font-size: large; line-height: 115%;">To redefine our value system the people must reclaim their political space and be the force for accountability. It would be naive to presume that the architects of this deviation and let alone the benefactor can all be converted and won over to the new one merely by demonstrating its necessity. Hence what is necessary as a prelude to anything is to politically assert ourselves in a fight to put to an end of the era of fear and submissiveness and usher in a period of psychological liberation. And the Zimbabwe People's Charter is a firm way forward.</span></div>
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<b><span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif; font-size: large; line-height: 115%;">Youths Should Know and Defend the Genuine Gains of the Liberation Struggle</span></b></div>
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<span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif; font-size: large;"><b><span style="line-height: 115%;">Terrence Chimhavi</span></b><span style="line-height: 115%;"></span></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif; font-size: large; line-height: 115%;">The liberation struggle or fight against colonial and racial rule that was fought by our erstwhile liberators and the many that perished during that civil war in then Rhodesia, is an important chapter in the history of our country. That this liberation war was fought mostly by the young people goes without saying. What is and should be more important however, is what that struggle fought to achieve and more importantly how we as young people of today can be active in defending these gains and, in our lifetime contribute to the making of the Zimbabwe that so many died for.</span></div>
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<span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif; font-size: large; line-height: 115%;">Three fundamental points summarize the aspirations of the nationalist leaders as they led the black majority in the fight for political independence: the wide disparities in wealth distribution, largely favouring the white minority at the expense of the black majority; majority rule and the right to vote for leaders and a government of their choice (commonly referred to as ‘one man (woman), one vote’) and the redressing of the land question as many had been removed from their fertile lands and driven into reserves, keeps and other such barren areas.</span></div>
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<span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif; font-size: large; line-height: 115%;">When political independence came about in 1980 after a protracted armed struggle, it was greeted with enthusiasm and euphoria from the black majority. Expectedly, this majority was expectant that the ideals that had driven the war and what they sought to get out of the armed struggle would be fulfilled by the leaders they had entrusted with political power to drive a new Zimbabwe through the elections of 1980.</span></div>
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<span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif; font-size: large; line-height: 115%;">32 years after independence however, the ordinary black majority continues to face the same, if not worse challenges to what they did those many years ago before political independence. In essence, the yoke they carried under white oppression has been painted ‘black’ as they continue to suffer and wallow in poverty under a black administration. Ironically, the three fundamentals that drove and spurred many to fight white injustice and racialism remain unfulfilled and a pipe-dream for the majority, and a painful reminder that the struggle for a better Zimbabwe for all that live in it is still far from over and the dream far from realized.</span></div>
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<span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif; font-size: large; line-height: 115%;">In Zimbabwe today, there is glaring evidence of wide disparities in wealth distribution – a new black political elite has replaced the white minority in ownership of critical state and non-state resources. While ‘one man (woman), one vote’ has been realized, the majority are still not free to elect leaders and a government of their choice – there is evidence of election fraud in elections dating as far back as 1985, which has worsened over the years and finally culminated in the sham June 2008 election, the bloodiest in the electoral history of Zimbabwe. </span></div>
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<span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif; font-size: large; line-height: 115%;">While we have and continue to be told the contrary, the noble initiative of land redistribution has by-and-large benefitted this new black political elite, at the expense of the formerly landless peasants in the ‘reserves and keeps’ – prime land has been parcelled out along political patronage lines, with many of those holding some form of political power being multiple-farm owners when other ordinary civilians have nothing.</span></div>
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<span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif; font-size: large; line-height: 115%;">Just as a reminder, the war of liberation was not fought so that a few Zimbabweans (and non-Zimbabweans) can enjoy the fruits of the resource-endowed nation that is Zimbabwe. What Comrades Tongo, Zvogbo, Chitepo, Mugabe, Nkomo, Sithole, Dabengwa and Mujuru amongst others fought for was that each and every Zimbabwean, regardless of ethnicity, colour, tribe or other considerations is able to live peacefully, enjoy fundamental rights and freedoms and enjoy an equal opportunity to prosper and achieve self-actualization in a socially-justiciable manner. At the height of that protracted struggle, they all acknowledged and defended this line wherever they went, even in the British and other capitals they continued to grace through diplomatic efforts. Then, they were very clear that despite assertions to the contrary, suggesting that they were Marxist extremists, the nationalist leaders were able to present a formidable and morally justified reason for waging this armed struggle – their quest to rid Zimbabwe of the injustices of colonialism and ushering in of majority rule, a phrase that has commonly come to be replaced by democratic rule.</span></div>
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<span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif; font-size: large; line-height: 115%;">However, despite the insurmountable evidence that all these noble causes and fundamental ideals formed the basis of the liberation struggle, evidence on the ground today point to a scenario in which this noble African agenda has been driven off the rails by an insensitive sect of greedy politicians and plunderers who have usurped the power of the masses and vested it in a closely-knit political cabal. Some members of this murderous crew have forgotten that just 35 years ago they led the armed struggle on the backdrop of popular support for majority rule. They even had the support of the same British, American and other nations across the globe backing them in calling for majority rule, which the Rhodesians worked tirelessly to prevent, but albeit eventually surrendered through negotiations as the war heated up.</span></div>
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<span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif; font-size: large; line-height: 115%;">Despite the fact that such history is well recorded and documented, the new black ruling elite of Zimbabwe have over time managed to re-write history to suit their own parochial intentions. They have chosen to negate and plagiarize the rich history of our nation through telling it in their own concocted way so as to justify the various heinous crimes that they have and continue to perpetrate on the civilian masses. This they have managed to achieve largely by destroying or willingly neglecting to document the numerous physical evidence of our liberation struggle.</span></div>
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<span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif; font-size: large; line-height: 115%;">Today, it is very difficult for any young person in this country to know of the true history of our liberation struggle. The only few available places to learn about this history have been so politicized and abused out of any meaning that they have lost meaning to what we all know, through one means or the other, as the real reasons and chain of events behind our liberation struggle. The issue of our National Heroes Acre quickly springs to mind. Despite being a noble initiative in respect of entrenching the history of our liberation struggle, it has been hounded and degraded of any moral value by the manner in which this ruling black elite under the guise of Zanu PF have clandestinely determined through their Soviet-style ‘politburo’ who is buried there. This has been to the extent that known cheats, thieves and murderers such as Chenjerai Hunzvi lie buried at our national shrine. It is a real pity. This case of our national shrine is just but one case in point.</span></div>
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<span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif; font-size: large; line-height: 115%;">The history of apartheid South Africa and its subsequent post-apartheid era poses huge lessons for Zimbabwe as it struggles to meet the dreams and expectations of those who waged and supported liberation struggles. This is true not only for Zimbabwe, but for a whole range of African and non-African nations that have fought colonialism and white imperialism over the years, in pursuit of self-determination as indigenous people. While Zimbabwe and many other African nations attained their political independence well before South Africa, it is the manner in which South Africans have been able to build on their history in resolving the various injustices and inequalities of the past. And this has to a greater extend been achieved through the manner in which government particularly the ANC has managed to push for the documentation and preservation of the country’s history, partly through the Truth and Reconciliation processes as well as building of physical structures to preserve the memory of their struggle against apartheid and why it was necessary to fight this struggle.</span></div>
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<span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif; font-size: large; line-height: 115%;">It is in this regard that Zimbabwe as a nation has failed dismally. Of the many lived realities, peoples, sites, documents, and other such paraphernalia that depicts and is relevant to our liberation struggle, very few are of any value today, especially to the younger generation who may have not been present to witness for themselves the uncensored truth of the liberation struggle or still, were too young to have known anything significant was happening in the country. Ask any young person what is <i>‘Gonakudzingwa’</i> or where it is (if it is still there) and this sad reality will dawn to you. What we have seen is the complete abdication of this very valuable history of our country, to serve the interests of our new black elite, who behave in every sense colonial as did the Rhodesians during that sad period of the liberation struggle and the times before it.</span></div>
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<span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif; font-size: large; line-height: 115%;">If you are going to speak to a lay person on the street about the lived realities of the many people who lived during the liberation struggle and how they understood the struggle and the reasons for waging it, you would be baffled at how the reality today does not resonate with the wishes and aspirations of the black majority that lived through and suffered under colonialism. What is further perplexing is the ‘new ideals and values’ that form the DNA of the new ruling black elite who today occupy the top echelons of power in Zimbabwe. It seems their first and foremost rule and ideal is self-enrichment and aggrandizement at the expense of the Zimbabwean masses. Look at our minister Chombo and you will begin to understand this DNA of our new ruling black elite.</span></div>
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<span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif; font-size: large; line-height: 115%;">The important questions young men and women of today must ask ourselves are: Did the attaining of independence after a protracted armed struggle fought by the young people of that time more than three decades ago usher in the expected results? If not, (as is the obvious case here) then what are we going to do as the youths to ensure that our country attains true independence and defend the genuine gains of the struggle?</span></div>
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<span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif; font-size: large; line-height: 115%;">As young people, we need to ensure that the ‘one wo/man one vote’ principle is adhered to and the subsequent result of any election is respected. This entails fighting for peace in our country and encouraging each other to participate positively in all elections. Without fighting for and defending our votes, our situation is not much different from that in the 60s when our parents could not determine who leads our lovely Zimbabwe (then Rhodesia).</span></div>
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<span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif; font-size: large; line-height: 115%;">Wealth distribution has seen even worse skewedness after independence, with the majority of the young people owning or controlling no means of production while a few, because of their again skewed liberation war credentials, feel they should own everything and anything. It is our duty as young men and women to fight for the equal distribution of wealth, to make sure that we also have access to resources and these privileges can never be delivered to us on a silver platter, we must demand and fight for them until we also get a piece of the cake.</span></div>
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<span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif; font-size: large; line-height: 115%;">Whilst ZANU PF claims that land was redistributed, it is important to note that the re-allocation was fundamentally wrong with the political elite clandestinely getting all the fertile landmasses while the few peasants who benefited only got sandy and dry areas. The youths of today must demand an audit into the land redistribution exercise and demand to know what criteria was used to allocate certain fertile pieces of land to the subsequent beneficiaries and put in place measures to ensure that such malpractices are not repeated in future.</span></div>
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<span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif; font-size: large; line-height: 115%;">It becomes important to critically think of Frantz Fanon’s words of wisdom: “Each generation must, out of relative obscurity, discover its mission, fulfill it or betray it.” Do we know our mission and are we going to fulfill it or betray it, spelling doom for future generations?</span></div>
Our Country Toohttp://www.blogger.com/profile/15835097949283298579noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-6203271665638639114.post-11019048681440663462012-04-12T08:28:00.002-07:002015-07-03T09:16:16.067-07:00Notes on 32 Years of Zimbabwe’s Independence:<div class="MsoHeader">
<span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif; font-size: large;"><b>Copyright Committee of the Peoples Charter, Harare , Zimbabwe 12 April 2012.</b><b></b></span></div>
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<b><span style="background-color: white; color: #222222; font-family: Verdana, sans-serif; font-size: large; line-height: 24px;">Brief Preface:</span></b><br />
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<span style="background-color: white; color: #222222; font-family: Verdana, sans-serif; font-size: large; line-height: 24px;">Please see below, the first three essays written by Zimbabweans in aide of seeking to reflect on the nature and meaning of 32<sup>nd</sup> commemorations of our national independence in Zimbabwe. The three essays cover three topics, national historical consciousness, reflections of young Zimbabweans on the meaning of independence and tracing the fading democratic value of leadership in Zimbabwe. The essays vary in length and are essentially individual reflections of Zimbabweans. The electronic publication of these essays has been facilitated by the Zimbabwe Committee of the Peoples Charter </span><br />
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<span style="font-size: large;"><span style="background-color: white; color: #222222; line-height: 24px;">(</span><a href="http://peoplescharter.blogspot.com/2012/02/resolutions-of-commemorative-meeting-of.html" style="color: #888888; text-decoration: none;">http://peoplescharter.blogspot.com/2012/02/resolutions-of-commemorative-meeting-of.html</a>) .<span style="line-height: 24px;">There are at least two more essays expected to be published before 18 April 2012, in the anticipation that they will allow for increased public debate on the meaning of our national independence.</span></span></span><br />
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<span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif; font-size: large; line-height: 24px;">Kind regards,</span><br />
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<span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif; font-size: large;"><b>Committee of the People’s Charter.</b><b><span style="background-color: white; color: #222222; line-height: 24px;"></span></b></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif; font-size: large;"><b><span style="background-color: white; color: #222222; line-height: 24px;">Our National Historical Consciousness</span></b><span class="apple-converted-space"><span style="background-color: white; color: #222222; line-height: 24px;"> <b>and our Future.</b></span></span></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif; font-size: large;"><span class="apple-converted-space"><span style="background-color: white; color: #222222; line-height: 24px;">By Takura Zhangazha.</span></span><span style="line-height: 24px;"></span></span></div>
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<b><span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif; font-size: large; line-height: 24px;">Introduction.</span></b><br />
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<span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif; font-size: large; line-height: 24px;">Zimbabwe and Zimbabwean society, like all other countries that exist in the world, cannot claim a clear and unambiguous disjuncture with its history. The creation of the modern day polity that has come to define the territory between the Zambezi and Limpopo rivers has been a process laden with various but continuous historical interactions. These overlaps of history have included conquest, colonialism, commerce, Christianity, African nationalism, revolutionary war, the Cold War and the broad pursuit of democracy. All of these occurred without clear distinction and have been invariably interwoven.<a href="http://www.blogger.com/blogger.g?blogID=3223755292927731712#_edn1" name="_ednref1" style="color: #888888; text-decoration: none;" title=""><span class="MsoEndnoteReference"><span class="MsoEndnoteReference"><span style="line-height: 18px;">[i]</span></span></span></a></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif; font-size: large; line-height: 24px;">It is essentially ‘African nationalism’ , ‘revolutionary war’ and ‘democracy’ that were intended to be victorious on 18 April 1980, the day and year on which the Zimbabwean flag was raised. With the benefit of hindsight and on the basis of various historical analysis, it has come to be known that these three paramount values were not going to be completely acquired and therefore had to be negotiated. <a href="http://www.blogger.com/blogger.g?blogID=3223755292927731712#_edn2" name="_ednref2" style="color: #888888; text-decoration: none;" title=""><span class="MsoEndnoteReference"><span class="MsoEndnoteReference"><span style="line-height: 18px;">[ii]</span></span></span></a></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif; font-size: large; line-height: 24px;">The end result was the compromise and ceasefire document that is historically referred to as the Lancaster House Constitution which was agreed to in December 1979. It is the nature and extent of the compromise that informed the politics of a ten year post independence period which assists in analyzing the birth pangs of the Zimbabwean state. It is a ‘compromise’ that has been referred to as having been influenced by the Frontline States which were insisting that the liberation war had to end and therefore the liberation movements had no choice but to agree or lose regional and continental support. In other instances, explanations of the ‘compromise’ agreement relate to issues to do with the fear by the incoming nationalist leadership of a massive skills exodus as well as disinvestment by Rhodesian and international capital in our newly independent state.</span></div>
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<span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif; font-size: large; line-height: 24px;">All of these reasons however point to the direct or complicit participation of our nationalist leaders in the decision making processes of that time. Some more than others, but all with a specific complicity that may have been historically necessary , but cannot be whitewashed. In other words, the leadership of the liberation movements, the post independence successive governments and our contemporary inclusive government are to a greater extent the ones who have been responsible for the state of affairs in the country since 1980, the role of external factors not withstanding. <a href="http://www.blogger.com/blogger.g?blogID=3223755292927731712#_edn3" name="_ednref3" style="color: #888888; text-decoration: none;" title=""><span class="MsoEndnoteReference"><span class="MsoEndnoteReference"><span style="line-height: 18px;">[iii]</span></span></span></a></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif; font-size: large; line-height: 24px;">It is therefore imperative to point out at the beginning of this essay that the primary challenge of the leadership of that time and of present day remains that of not fully coming to terms with their role, complicit or direct, in the construction of our national independence project. Because of this fundamental challenge that the nationalist and in part contemporary leadership have faced in understanding the full import of the struggle that they undertook to liberate Zimbabwe, as well as the inability of the post nationalist leadership to grasp the significance of the historical occurrences of the past as linked to present day and future Zimbabwe, it is also important to outline the general characteristics of our country at 32 years of independence outside of their narrow and partisan politicized frameworks.</span></div>
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<span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif; font-size: large; line-height: 24px;">This essentially entails a grasping of the historical and contemporary realities that Zimbabwe faced and continues to face within the context of an increasingly unfocused national political leadership that is acting both in the interests of narrow political persuasions and ideologies that are exploitatively linked to an emergent east-west collaborative global capitalism.<a href="http://www.blogger.com/blogger.g?blogID=3223755292927731712#_edn4" name="_ednref4" style="color: #888888; text-decoration: none;" title=""><span class="MsoEndnoteReference"><span class="MsoEndnoteReference"><span style="line-height: 18px;">[iv]</span></span></span></a></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif; font-size: large; line-height: 24px;">It is by doing so that we become conscious of the historical challenges that lie before the generality of all Zimbabweans inclusive of those that are in contemporary leadership. Our solutions to our particular socio-political and economic challenges therefore reside in our ability to conscientiously apply ourselves to particular, historical and well thought out as well negotiated frameworks of engaging the challenges that we face in the present and their full import for the future.</span></div>
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<b><span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif; font-size: large; line-height: 24px;">Definitive premise of our national independence.</span></b></div>
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<span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif; font-size: large; line-height: 24px;">Historically, the struggle for justice by the people of Zimbabwe has been fundamentally social democratic in intent and purpose. From the years of the initial resistance to the Pioneer Column, through to the First and Second <i>Chimurenga’s</i>, the values of our struggle, with the benefit of historical hindsight, were intent on the restoration of our collective human dignity, the pursuit of equality, socio-economic justice, democracy and economic/technological advancement. <a href="http://www.blogger.com/blogger.g?blogID=3223755292927731712#_edn5" name="_ednref5" style="color: #888888; text-decoration: none;" title=""><span class="MsoEndnoteReference"><span class="MsoEndnoteReference"><span style="line-height: 18px;">[v]</span></span></span></a></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif; font-size: large; line-height: 24px;">In 2012, these are the same challenges that we all face, though in a less Manichean manner and even where our political leaders remain in denial. The primary issue to therefore be considered in the commemorations of our 32 years of national independence is whether our struggle for freedom remains an ongoing one. This, not merely on the basis of generally enunciated democratic values but as a combination of the lack of completion of the definitive and historical struggle against the usurpation of our right to self determination, social and economic justice, equality before the law, democracy, a justiciable bill of rights, global human equality and the right to choose a national political leadership of our choice. It is this perpetual struggle question of ‘arrival’ that has now come full circle and must be examined by all Zimbabweans.</span></div>
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<span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif; font-size: large; line-height: 24px;">It is in this sense that the primary purpose of this essay on Zimbabwe’s 32 years of independence is to measure the extent to which we have remained committed to the to the ‘revolutionary path’ via our leadership.<a href="http://www.blogger.com/blogger.g?blogID=3223755292927731712#_edn6" name="_ednref6" style="color: #888888; text-decoration: none;" title=""><span class="MsoEndnoteReference"><span class="MsoEndnoteReference"><span style="line-height: 18px;">[vi]</span></span></span></a> This revolutionary path is defined by the values of our national independence defined above. It is also a reaffirmation of the truth that Zimbabwe must continue to make its own history conscientiously on the basis of what we hold to be our inalienable democratic principles and values. These same said principles and values should be based on the firm understanding that we have not yet done enough justice to our historically grounded societal, political and economic aspirations.</span></div>
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<span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif; font-size: large; line-height: 24px;">These notes on 32 years of Zimbabwe’s national independence therefore seek to explain the necessity and urgency of the return to the revolutionary path for Zimbabwe. The return to the revolutionary path is a return to commonly held and shared principles that relate to the social democratic project that was the liberation struggle (whatever angle you look at it) together with a specific recognition that we should return to a conscientious and organic making of our own history as a country, members of a continent and participants in the global political economy. Simply put, if we have refused to be defined in one way or the other, via resistance and struggle, as the ‘native others’ we now have to prove in word and deed that we are here to make a history that is linked to past struggles, contemporary challenges and intent on creating a better social democratic future for all who live in Zimbabwe, Africa and the World.</span></div>
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<span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif; font-size: large; line-height: 24px;">In explaining the above cited issues and challenges this essay will tackle three phases of our national independence periods. These being 1980-1990; 1991-2000; 2001-2008 and 2008 to 2012. In all of these aforementioned historical phases assessment will be made of the primary challenges that our country has been faced with.</span></div>
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<span style="font-size: large;"><span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif; line-height: 24px;">At the onset of Zimbabwe’s independence the new national leaders, arguably on the basis of pragmatic considerations, sought to demonstrate their capacity to embrace modern/ scientific socialism with significant dosages of western modernization. They sought a partial departure from the historical context that defined their arrival to power in order to avoid what they considered the mistakes of other African leaders to fail to embrace either scientific socialism or western model modernization. This essentially meant that the principles and values of the founding struggles of our nation-state were re-negotiated a historically because of three reasons.</span></span><br />
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<span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif; font-size: large; line-height: 24px;"> The first being that in the process of undertaking the struggle for national liberation, we had not quite learnt what to expect and how to handle it in the aftermath of the acquisition of the political power that came with self determination. Given the serious difficulty of waging a guerilla war, our then (and in some instances contemporary) nationalist leaders may not have had the luxury of understanding the clearer organic nature of the processes of the anti-colonial struggles. This is to say, the linkages between the oral and cultural history of anti-colonial struggles with eventual victory were limited. Instead, the usage of understanding the historical trajectory of the liberation struggle since the arrival of the Pioneer column may have been more for the purposes of various liberation movements’ populist appeals to the populace and not integrated into organic post-liberation struggle victory implementation frameworks.</span></div>
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<span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif; font-size: large; line-height: 24px;">The reasons for this approach have been recorded via a number of academic writings which indicate the disparate and disunited nature of our liberation movements.<a href="http://www.blogger.com/blogger.g?blogID=3223755292927731712#_edn7" name="_ednref7" style="color: #888888; text-decoration: none;" title=""><span class="MsoEndnoteReference"><span class="MsoEndnoteReference"><span style="line-height: 18px;">[vii]</span></span></span></a> It would however be poignant to point out that part of the problem that led to the disjuncture in the organic narratives of the First Chimurenga and those of the Second Chimurenga (which was in part victorious) relate mainly to our collective inability to harness both the advent of technological advancement with our primary liberatory intentions. (This is an argument that can only be made with the benefit of historical hindsight and not on the basis of seeking to judge our leaders of that time as their circumstances where peculiar to that time and had much more difficult challenges.)</span></div>
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<span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif; font-size: large; line-height: 24px;">Put simply, we got overawed by our interaction with the medical, material and military technological advances of the ‘others’ during our first struggle for liberation as well as in the second one.<a href="http://www.blogger.com/blogger.g?blogID=3223755292927731712#_edn8" name="_ednref8" style="color: #888888; text-decoration: none;" title=""><span class="MsoEndnoteReference"><span class="MsoEndnoteReference"><span style="line-height: 18px;">[viii]</span></span></span></a> Indeed we eventually got better education from the missionary schools, better health treatment via the same institutions while simultaneously being repressed by the police/military/minority rule state in which we existed in both phases of the liberation struggles. However our narratives followed more the history of the ‘other’ than it followed our own direct interactions with colonialism, dispossession and direct repression primarily due to the arrival of modern equipment and the establishment of new urban settlements.<a href="http://www.blogger.com/blogger.g?blogID=3223755292927731712#_edn9" name="_ednref9" style="color: #888888; text-decoration: none;" title=""><span class="MsoEndnoteReference"><span class="MsoEndnoteReference"><span style="line-height: 18px;">[ix]</span></span></span></a></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif; font-size: large; line-height: 24px;">These challenges of perception together with cultural and economic co-option were however determined primarily by the historical circumstances of that time. By the time of the Second <i>Chimurenga</i>, our national leaders had come to accept the necessity of learning the ways of the colonialist in order to achieve national sovereignty. Coincidentally in the same period the ideological differences between the global East and the West had come full circle in the aftermath of the Second World War and our leaders took the opportunity to interact with the leftist revolutionary thought of emergent socialist states with eagerness.</span></div>
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<span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif; font-size: large; line-height: 24px;">However in the process of negotiating with two global ideological camps that had been established without our direct participation, we had to learn the art of negotiating with the same said two global ideological camps in order to achieve the primary objective of national independence. This process of negotiation led to further divisions within our liberation movement as to what was the best strategy to pursue in order to achieve the primary task of national independence. This was a development which led to our further departure from the historicity of the challenge at hand.<a href="http://www.blogger.com/blogger.g?blogID=3223755292927731712#_edn10" name="_ednref10" style="color: #888888; text-decoration: none;" title=""><span class="MsoEndnoteReference"><span class="MsoEndnoteReference"><span style="line-height: 18px;">[x]</span></span></span></a></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif; font-size: large; line-height: 24px;">In the real event that we all decided at various stages to wage wars of liberation, the reality of the matter is that we became complicit in narratives of struggle that would be more embedded in solutions generated more from elsewhere than from ourselves. This is not to say that the struggle came to be determined by the dictates of those who were willing to assist us in their own national interests but that we were increasingly determined to acquire self rule as had been determined by our then increasingly negotiated historicity. We therefore came to understand more those that were willing to assist us than we were willing to consistently understand ourselves and our historical agenda of liberation.</span></div>
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<span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif; font-size: large; line-height: 24px;">When victory arrived in 1980, after phenomenal sacrifice from the sons and daughters of the soil, the ‘struggles within the struggle’ and the ambiguity of proximity to power was a nail in the coffin for revolutionary organic continuity.<a href="http://www.blogger.com/blogger.g?blogID=3223755292927731712#_edn11" name="_ednref11" style="color: #888888; text-decoration: none;" title=""><span class="MsoEndnoteReference"><span class="MsoEndnoteReference"><span style="line-height: 18px;">[xi]</span></span></span></a> Our intentions to prove to be the better ‘natives’ got the better of us. We fought amongst ourselves without understanding the full import of the historical challenges that were with us and that lay before us. We fought ideological and power battles that were by definition not necessarily ours and our victory remained embedded in inadequate articulations of the challenges that awaited us after independence.</span></div>
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<b><span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif; font-size: large; line-height: 24px;">1980 to 2000, The challenges of building an historical democratic hegemony via ‘mimicry’ and policy ambiguity.</span></b></div>
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<span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif; font-size: large; line-height: 24px;">There have been many arguments as to the extent to which the immediate post independence state was under tremendous international pressure not to deviate either from the pro-capital Lancaster House Constitution or the social democratic intentions of the liberation struggle. These arguments will at varying stages hold cogency to different ideological groupings but it must be emphasized that within either ideological camp, the modus operandi was unfortunately that of ‘<i>mimicry</i>’.<a href="http://www.blogger.com/blogger.g?blogID=3223755292927731712#_edn12" name="_ednref12" style="color: #888888; text-decoration: none;" title=""><span class="MsoEndnoteReference"><span class="MsoEndnoteReference"><span style="line-height: 18px;">[xii]</span></span></span></a></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif; font-size: large; line-height: 24px;">Whether one claimed socialism or free market political economy as frameworks through which the intentions of national independence could be achieved, the technicalities of these same said solutions resided on over-reliance on models that were in most cases out of context.<a href="http://www.blogger.com/blogger.g?blogID=3223755292927731712#_edn13" name="_ednref13" style="color: #888888; text-decoration: none;" title=""><span class="MsoEndnoteReference"><span class="MsoEndnoteReference"><span style="line-height: 18px;">[xiii]</span></span></span></a> The almost immediate improvements in civil liberties, expansion of social services (health, education, transport, recreation) and the nationalist fervor of the first ten years were largely out of political necessity than they were directly related to grounded specific organic ideological leanings. The mixed bag of economics where the newly independent state maintained a capitalist political economy imbued in socialist rhetoric was more in order to keep the country stable than it was to ground it in a singular long term hegemonic and political direction.</span></div>
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<span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif; font-size: large; line-height: 24px;">Whereas the political direction was clearer, particularly as regards to conflicts between those that led various liberation movements, the unfortunate tendency to not address issues holistically and organically compromised the independence project. The insistence on a one party state without linking it to its necessity for economic advancement of the country or the fact that Zimbabwe has always had multiple parties/political organizations at inception of the liberation struggle was ahistorical.</span></div>
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<span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif; font-size: large; line-height: 24px;">A desire to be part of the African liberators lexicon and follow the lead of initially successful and legendary African revolutionaries in either the Frontline states or West Africa may have been the cause of this. Either way we fell into the trap of being to eager to suit models that were not necessarily our own. Hence for example the tragic killing of innocent civilians during what has no come to be referred to as <i>Gukurahundi</i> in the early to late 1980s in the middle and southern provinces of the country with the assistance and training of North Korea.</span></div>
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<span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif; font-size: large; line-height: 24px;">As we arrived toward the end of the first decade of our national independence , with the demise of the Socialist block via the collapse of the Soviet Union and Eastern European Socialist bloc, our national leaders failed to define a clearer path for us to realize the objectives of our national independence. Because in part they were more interested in the politics of power and dominance via expedient and more foreign policy related than domestic considerations, our national leaders found themselves almost hapless when it came to the global shift to the ideological right.<a href="http://www.blogger.com/blogger.g?blogID=3223755292927731712#_edn14" name="_ednref14" style="color: #888888; text-decoration: none;" title=""><span class="MsoEndnoteReference"><span class="MsoEndnoteReference"><span style="line-height: 18px;">[xiv]</span></span></span></a> They lost out on the historicity of our own national independence struggle, the expiration of the ‘protective’ Lancaster House Constitution’s clauses and once again sought the easier path of mimicry.</span><br />
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<span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif; font-size: large; line-height: 24px;">It was this <i>ahistorical</i> path that led us to embrace structural adjustment programmes that were beginning to be emphasized by the dominantly hegemonic West and its Bretton Woods institutions. Successive finance ministers sought to embed us into the Washington Consensus less with an understanding of our context and the peoples’ needs and more in pursuit of abstract and neo-colonial recognition by the World Bank as some of the ‘rising stars’ of a still to be manufactured African intelligentsia and middle class. In short, at the turn of the decade, with only one globally hegemonic power to negotiate with, we moved further away from what were the primary objectives of our liberation struggle and our national independence.</span></div>
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<span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif; font-size: large; line-height: 24px;">As such, the full implementation of economic structural adjustment saw a speeding up of the destruction of the social welfare state and an increase in political repression less to do with the old liberation war movement rivalries (the Unity Accord had been established by then) but more with state-led denial of the citizens enjoyment of basic human rights. This led to an increase in opposition political party activity as well as an expansion of civil society actors outside the aegis of the then recently united Patriotic Front.</span></div>
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<span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif; font-size: large; line-height: 24px;">The loss of jobs and the failure to create employment coupled with massive droughts in the early and mid 1990s as well as the closure of local manufacturing companies led inevitably to a more radicalized urban populace and with it, a stronger trade union and inevitably the formation of a popular labour backed political party by the end of the second decade of our national independence. <a href="http://www.blogger.com/blogger.g?blogID=3223755292927731712#_edn15" name="_ednref15" style="color: #888888; text-decoration: none;" title=""><span class="MsoEndnoteReference"><span class="MsoEndnoteReference"><span style="line-height: 18px;">[xv]</span></span></span></a></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif; font-size: large; line-height: 24px;">The key point to be emphasized in this particular section of this essay is that our national leaders at that time lost touch with the organic historicity of the liberation struggle as the years moved further and further away from the year of our country’s inception.<a href="http://www.blogger.com/blogger.g?blogID=3223755292927731712#_edn16" name="_ednref16" style="color: #888888; text-decoration: none;" title=""><span class="MsoEndnoteReference"><span class="MsoEndnoteReference"><span style="line-height: 18px;">[xvi]</span></span></span></a> Their initial reliance on the Frontline States, the Organisation of African Unity (OAU) , the Socialist bloc, Scandanavian countries and leftists in the West for technical support and struggle knowledge production either by way of being taught how to wage a struggle for liberation or of what to after independence was acquired may have been an historical necessity. </span><br />
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<span style="font-size: large; line-height: 24px;">In the aftermath of 1980 our national leaders sought to accentuate these global linkages at the expense of our national context and in the process implemented frameworks that made them appear more proxies of one global ideological persuasion or the other( particularly before the end of the Cold War) than they appeared as leaders who were conscious of the destiny of their own country. In the same process, they overemphasized political power as opposed to a counter- hegemonic and democratic understanding of power.</span></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif; font-size: large; line-height: 24px;">They sought more power of the moment, and power that may have been dotted with celebrations of the heroic past, while with each passing year, their leadership became less and less organic with our country’s history or its ideally historically determined future. They flirted with the global left as well as with global capital, and pandered more or less to whatever was expected of them by one particular side when it was most opportune. Where, with the end of the Cold War there was only global power to contend and negotiate with, they pursued that power’s ideological dictates without revolutionary context or firm negotiation and with further ‘mimicry’ and instrumentalisation of the state. <a href="http://www.blogger.com/blogger.g?blogID=3223755292927731712#_edn17" name="_ednref17" style="color: #888888; text-decoration: none;" title=""><span class="MsoEndnoteReference"><span class="MsoEndnoteReference"><span style="line-height: 18px;">[xvii]</span></span></span></a></span></div>
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<b><span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif; font-size: large; line-height: 24px;">2000-2008 and the remembrance of the values of our national independence.</span></b></div>
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<span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif; font-size: large; line-height: 24px;">The increasingly radical activities of Zimbabwe’s labour unions in the late 1990s as a follow up to labour and student radicalism and the entry of human rights discourse in Zimbabwe turned initially the Zimbabwean urban political narrative to one of defiance against the state. Coupled with the economic hardships of the same period, the initiative of the ZCTU to initiate the National Working Peoples Convention (NWPC)in early 1999 was to be definitive in the establishment of an alternative political leadership and party in Zimbabwe. It was this convention that gave an initial mandate to the country’s main labour union to undertake consultative processes with the public on whether it should form a labour backed political party. </span></div>
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<span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif; font-size: large; line-height: 24px;">Civil society actors had by 1997 formed the National Constitutional Assembly (NCA) which had galvanized public policy discourse around the urgent need to undertake a people driven constitutional reform process. Both labour and civil society actors, particularly under the auspices of the NCA, were to become the mustard seed of the search for a democratic political alternative in Zimbabwe. Initially intending to send a message of ‘democratization’ ala carte Western knowledge production systems to the incumbent leaders of that time, the leaders of both labour and civil society came into their own consciousness of the necessity of returning the country to the path that had been envisioned by the processes and occurrence of our national independence. Naturally, with the end of the Cold War, and with the kaleidoscopic interests that comprised civil society, the language of this return to the revolutionary path was less radical and more in keeping with the then new global trend of embracing democracy and good governance. <a href="http://www.blogger.com/blogger.g?blogID=3223755292927731712#_edn18" name="_ednref18" style="color: #888888; text-decoration: none;" title=""><span class="MsoEndnoteReference"><span class="MsoEndnoteReference"><span style="line-height: 18px;">[xviii]</span></span></span></a></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif; font-size: large; line-height: 24px;">The eventual rejection of the Draft Constitution via a national referendum in February 2000 was indicative of general public disaffection with the government of the day. It was also a statement of intent on the part of the people of Zimbabwe that indeed the rhetoric of the liberation struggle was no longer adequate to assuage their aspirations for a better life within a democratic setting. This would be part of the reason why they would give the newly formed Movement for Democratic Change (MDC) labour backed party significant representation in the parliament of Zimbabwe in 2000. This, less than seven months after it had been formed.</span></div>
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<span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif; font-size: large; line-height: 24px;">The incumbent national leadership (Zanu Pf) however also decided to return to the past and sought to retain legitimacy by implementing a fast-track land reform programme (FTLRP).<a href="http://www.blogger.com/blogger.g?blogID=3223755292927731712#_edn19" name="_ednref19" style="color: #888888; text-decoration: none;" title=""><span class="MsoEndnoteReference"><span class="MsoEndnoteReference"><span style="line-height: 18px;">[xix]</span></span></span></a> It was an evident attempt to reignite the nationalism of pre-1980, even though in the public perception the ruling party had the fault of incumbency. The manner in which it was done was an attempt to ‘grab’ the Zimbabwean liberation history narrative back to those that had participated in the same struggle directly. </span><br />
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<span style="font-size: large; line-height: 24px;">Furthermore, Zanu Pf sought to ensure a distinction between itself and the nascent MDC through claiming greater authenticity in relation to the values of the liberation struggle.<a href="http://www.blogger.com/blogger.g?blogID=3223755292927731712#_edn20" name="_ednref20" style="color: #888888; text-decoration: none;" title=""><span class="MsoEndnoteReference"><span class="MsoEndnoteReference"><span style="line-height: 18px;">[xx]</span></span></span></a></span></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif; font-size: large; line-height: 24px;">All of these developments and the repressive political environment together with the disputed national elections that ensued between 2000 and 2008 have led to reality of the emergence of two major political players in Zimbabwean players, the MDC and Zanu Pf. The latter had the strength as well as the fault of incumbency, while the former had the strength of popular anticipation of leadership renewal in order to achieve the goals of national independence in a post cold war global environment. This while facing the primary weakness of inexperience in government or in finding the fine line of how to negotiate with the international community on how best to achieve these objectives.</span></div>
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<span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif; font-size: large; line-height: 24px;">It must however be stressed that in the eight years that it took for the Global Political Agreement to be signed in 2008, it remains Zanu Pf that held the primary responsibility of the exercise of executive authority in the country. This essentially means that whereas there were sanctions that would come to be imposed on members of government , parastatals and private companies related thereto, from 2002 to present day, the fault for reneging on the pursuit of the aims and objectives of our national independence resided with the ruling party of this period. This particular point is made because of the need for us not to lose sight of the fact that whatever may be said about who brought sanctions upon Zimbabwe, the ruling party is directly complicit by being unable to negotiate its way to preventing the sanctions or reversing them in the period before the formation of the inclusive government. It cannot do a ‘Pontius Pilate’ on the matter in as much as it cannot say it was not responsible for the economic structural adjustment programme of the 1990s or the economic meltdown at the turn of the century.<a href="http://www.blogger.com/blogger.g?blogID=3223755292927731712#_edn21" name="_ednref21" style="color: #888888; text-decoration: none;" title=""><span class="MsoEndnoteReference"><span class="MsoEndnoteReference"><span style="line-height: 18px;">[xxi]</span></span></span></a></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif; font-size: large; line-height: 24px;">As it turned out, the pariah status of the Zimbabwean state in direct relation to its disappointing human rights record, the technical and political impact of international sanctions and the inability to hold free and fair elections in this period left the values of the liberation struggle severely compromised in the period 2000-2008. Where the fast track land reform programme has been highly contested or acclaimed as a policy success in relation to the struggle for independence, it alone cannot be viewed as the <i>raison-de-etre</i> of the liberation struggle. It was one of the foremost causes and triggers of the liberation struggle and a fundamental success measurement goal for the first post independence governments. But in the 32 years after independence, its success or failure cannot be viewed in isolation from the other objectives of the liberation struggle.</span></div>
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<b><span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif; font-size: large; line-height: 24px;">2008-2012: Assessing the alternatives and remembering the future.</span></b></div>
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<span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif; font-size: large; line-height: 24px;">The protracted SADC mediation process that began soon after the March 11 2007 assault on mainstream civil society and opposition political party leaders, was essentially intended to bring about the inclusion of all major political parties to share power in order to stabilise a country that was becoming problematic in the region.</span></div>
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<span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif; font-size: large; line-height: 24px;">The eventual swearing in of the Prime Minister of Zimbabwe in February 2009, was to be the formalization of a power sharing agreement between Zanu Pf and MDC. Its nature and structure of the GPA was intended that the inclusive government be a transitional one. </span></div>
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<span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif; font-size: large; line-height: 24px;">Since its formation in 2009, the inclusive government has largely sought to stabilize and improve the national economy, introduce a new constitution, put an end to politically motivated violence, lobby for the removal of sanctions, observe the rule of law, respect human rights, undertake electoral reform and redress the pariah status of the country in the international community. In attempting to deliver on all the aforementioned issues, the inclusive government has demonstrated a patent lack of collective responsibility.</span></div>
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<span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif; font-size: large; line-height: 24px;"> Instead, there has been policy pronunciation based on partisan political lines even on the most basic performance legitimacy issues of any government (inclusive or otherwise). Again, as in the period where the political protagonists Zanu Pf and MDC were not bedfellows in the inclusive government, contestations as to which party remains best placed to lead the country to the ‘promised land’ of independence are abound. These are most visible in relation to issues around electoral and constitutional reforms, as well as the way forward as regards economic indigenization (read as the national economy) and matters related to land tenure in the aftermath of the fast track land reform programme. One party claims the necessity of a radical nationalist approach while the other is arguing for a rational one linked to global trends in best economic and democratic practice.</span></div>
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<span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif; font-size: large; line-height: 24px;">Neither party however cannot escape the weight of ‘performance legitimacy’ not only in terms of what is deemed best democratic/economic practice but more what has come to define the historical aspirations of the people of Zimbabwe. As controversial as it may seem, the primary challenge of the inclusive government like that of the first post independence government, remains one of avoiding the discontinuity of our national historicity. A task which on the occasion of the commemoration of our 32<sup>nd</sup> anniversary means undertaking politics by negotiating with global capital, global political powers with a firm understanding of all of the historical or continuing processes and reasons as to why the Zimbabwean polity was established in 1980.<a href="http://www.blogger.com/blogger.g?blogID=3223755292927731712#_edn22" name="_ednref22" style="color: #888888; text-decoration: none;" title=""><span class="MsoEndnoteReference"><span class="MsoEndnoteReference"><span style="line-height: 18px;">[xxii]</span></span></span></a></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif; font-size: large; line-height: 24px;">This particular point must then bring us to considerations of the future. It is no longer feasible for one generation of leaders to assume either revolutionary or popular/populist infallibility. This is particularly so if the objectives of our national independence are to retain any semblance of organic relevance to subsequent generations of Zimbabweans half a century henceforth. Our current national leadership (comprised as it is of two main protagonist camps) must begin to understand this with a new sense of urgency and learn that with each politicized policy decision that they make, they are running the risk of making our collective national history seem a distant and irrelevant ideal to those that will come after us. </span><br />
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<span style="font-size: large; line-height: 24px;">While the global future seems to be leaning toward an integrated world value system, via the new liberal interventionist approach of world superpowers, we must urgently learn to arrogate ourselves the role of being makers of own history based on values that founded the state of Zimbabwe. This, with an aim of improving not only the lives of all Zimbabweans regardless of race, colour or class but also with the intention of making Zimbabwe’s presence as a progressive and democratic state realized on the African continent and in the world.</span></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif; font-size: large; line-height: 24px;">Such an approach would entail that we collectively come to understand our ‘national common ground’ regardless of political affiliation as we move forward towards another year of our national independence. Where the GPA formulated in 2008 has failed we must honestly assess why it has done so, not on behalf of the the political parties, but on the basis of this same said national common ground. </span><br />
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<span style="font-size: large; line-height: 24px;">This being a framework that comprehends the values of our liberation struggle together with our post independence struggles for further democratization and social and economic justice. This is perhaps why civil society must revisit and recommit itself to the broad principles that have been enunciated in the Zimbabwe People’s Charter. The latter point is significant primarily because in the passage of time comes the creation of new political realities and challenges that must be tackled conscientiously and with principled effort. Our immediate or long term past is not our definitive contemporary reality but it must instruct us as to how to construct a better and social democratic future.</span></span></div>
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<b><span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif; font-size: large; line-height: 24px;">Conclusion.</span></b></div>
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<span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif; font-size: large; line-height: 24px;">The primary purpose of this essay has been to seek to outline the challenges of the last 32 years of Zimbabwe’s existence as an independent country. This was done primarily from an assessment of the leadership of the country and its ability over the same period to remain focused on the holistic aspirations of the liberation struggle. I have attempted to outline the definitive premise of our national independence as social democratic in intent and character given the plethora of grievances that motivated the liberation struggle together with an attendant historical discontinuity between our initial resistance to colonialism in the 1890s through to the more modern liberation struggle in the second half of the 20<sup>th</sup> century. </span><br />
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<span style="font-size: large; line-height: 24px;">The post independence periods were, partly as a result of the historical discontinuities alluded to earlier, not demonstrative of organic commitment to the values and principles of the struggle but driven by negotiated ‘mimicry’ of the developmental and political models of global and African ideological powers of that time. The aftermath of the Cold War saw our national leaders embracing most of the recommendations of the singular global power and once again falling into the trap of straying further from the path intended by our national independence. This development essentially led to increased repression and an economic downturn that greatly assisted a new alternative leadership to emerge and challenge the ruling party in the later 1990s.</span></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif; font-size: large; line-height: 24px;">Whereas this new leadership was intended to return the country to the independence path, it too, with the formation of the inclusive government has not adequately reflected or acted on the historicity of our national independence. In all this, there is the patent risk that national independence may eventually become abstract to subsequent generations of Zimbabweans and the state may be reinvented less on the basis of its history and more in always seeking to fit into whatever dominant global hegemony is dominant at a given time.</span></div>
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<span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif; font-size: large; line-height: 24px;">It is however prudent to state that in remembering our national independence in 2012, we must insist that ‘never again!’ shall we or our children bear witness to such repression either by way of racism (of any kind), social and economic injustice or the wanton killing of innocent civilians and deprivation of human rights to all. This is regardless of whatever government is in charge of the Zimbabwean state at any given time in the past, present or the future.</span></div>
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<span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif; font-size: large; line-height: 24px;">Finally it must be emphasized that the path that Zimbabwe must now pursue is one that while being conscious of our history must not be imprisoned by it. In celebrating or commemorating 32 years of our national independence, we must think more of the future than the past. We must grasp that our existence as a country is based on what were essentially struggles for the freedom of all and not the few. In so doing, we must carry forward the burden of the mistakes made more honestly and with the clear intentions of ensuring that these mistakes never occur again of our own volition. This means that as we await 2012’s independence we must be conscious of the challenges that we face collectively and approach them with the necessary historical and social consciousness that returns our country to a social democratic path.</span><br />
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<span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif; font-size: large;"><span style="line-height: 24px;">*Zhangazha can be contacted on </span><a href="mailto:kuurayiwa@gmail.com" style="color: #888888; text-decoration: none;"><span style="line-height: 24px;">kuurayiwa@gmail.com</span></a><span style="line-height: 24px;"></span></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif; font-size: large;"><a href="http://www.blogger.com/blogger.g?blogID=3223755292927731712#_ednref1" name="_edn1" style="color: #888888; text-decoration: none;" title=""><span class="MsoEndnoteReference"><span class="MsoEndnoteReference"><span style="line-height: 14px;">[i]</span></span></span></a> These linkages are well explored in Raftopolous B; Mlambo 2009 (eds) Becoming Zimbabwe: A history of the Precolonial Period to 2008. Weaver Press, Harare.</span><br />
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<span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif; font-size: large;"><a href="http://www.blogger.com/blogger.g?blogID=3223755292927731712#_ednref2" name="_edn2" style="color: #888888; text-decoration: none;" title=""><span class="MsoEndnoteReference"><span class="MsoEndnoteReference"><span style="line-height: 14px;">[ii]</span></span></span></a> See Bhebhe N, Ranger T, 1995 Soldiers in Zimbabwe’s Liberation War, Volume 1, University of Zimbabwe Publications, Harare</span><br />
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<span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif; font-size: large;"><a href="http://www.blogger.com/blogger.g?blogID=3223755292927731712#_ednref3" name="_edn3" style="color: #888888; text-decoration: none;" title=""><span class="MsoEndnoteReference"><span class="MsoEndnoteReference"><span style="line-height: 14px;">[iii]</span></span></span></a> One early assessment of the post independence leadership can be found in Astrow A. Zimbabwe. A revolution that lost its way? Zed Books, 1983, London</span><br />
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<span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif; font-size: large;"><a href="http://www.blogger.com/blogger.g?blogID=3223755292927731712#_ednref4" name="_edn4" style="color: #888888; text-decoration: none;" title=""><span class="MsoEndnoteReference"><span class="MsoEndnoteReference"><span style="line-height: 14px;">[iv]</span></span></span></a> There are new emerging arguments about the role of natural resources and a new scramble for Africa. See Southall R, Melber H (eds) A new scramble for Africa; Imperialism, Investment and Development, University of KwaZulu-Natal Press, South Africa</span><br />
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<span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif; font-size: large;"><a href="http://www.blogger.com/blogger.g?blogID=3223755292927731712#_ednref5" name="_edn5" style="color: #888888; text-decoration: none;" title=""><span class="MsoEndnoteReference"><span class="MsoEndnoteReference"><span style="line-height: 14px;">[v]</span></span></span></a> This is a disputed point in relation to the liberation struggle given the socialist rhetoric that characterized it and the eventual mixed economy of the post independent republic.</span><br />
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<span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif; font-size: large;"><a href="http://www.blogger.com/blogger.g?blogID=3223755292927731712#_ednref6" name="_edn6" style="color: #888888; text-decoration: none;" title=""><span class="MsoEndnoteReference"><span class="MsoEndnoteReference"><span style="line-height: 14px;">[vi]</span></span></span></a> This phrase is derived from Nkrumah K, 1973 Revolutionary Path, International Press</span><br />
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<span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif; font-size: large;"><a href="http://www.blogger.com/blogger.g?blogID=3223755292927731712#_ednref7" name="_edn7" style="color: #888888; text-decoration: none;" title=""><span class="MsoEndnoteReference"><span class="MsoEndnoteReference"><span style="line-height: 14px;">[vii]</span></span></span></a> For explanations of divisions within the liberation movements and guerilla armies see also Sadomba Z, War Veterans in Zimbabwe Liberation Struggle, Challenging Neo- Colonialism, Settler and International Capital, 2010, Weaver Press, Harare</span><br />
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<span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif; font-size: large;"><a href="http://www.blogger.com/blogger.g?blogID=3223755292927731712#_ednref8" name="_edn8" style="color: #888888; text-decoration: none;" title=""><span class="MsoEndnoteReference"><span class="MsoEndnoteReference"><span style="line-height: 14px;">[viii]</span></span></span></a> This is in part well explained in Stanlake Samkange’s novels, see, Samkange S. Year of the Uprising, 1978. Heinneman, London</span><br />
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<span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif; font-size: large;"><a href="http://www.blogger.com/blogger.g?blogID=3223755292927731712#_ednref9" name="_edn9" style="color: #888888; text-decoration: none;" title=""><span class="MsoEndnoteReference"><span class="MsoEndnoteReference"><span style="line-height: 14px;">[ix]</span></span></span></a> There have been a number of researches done on rural interactions with dispossession and conquest, see Moore D. 2005, Suffering for Territory: Race Place and Power in Zimbabwe, Duke University Press</span><br />
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<span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif; font-size: large;"><a href="http://www.blogger.com/blogger.g?blogID=3223755292927731712#_ednref10" name="_edn10" style="color: #888888; text-decoration: none;" title=""><span class="MsoEndnoteReference"><span class="MsoEndnoteReference"><span style="line-height: 14px;">[x]</span></span></span></a> See also Mhanda W. 2011. Dzino: Memories of a Freedom Fighter, Weaver Press, Harare</span><br />
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<span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif; font-size: large;"><a href="http://www.blogger.com/blogger.g?blogID=3223755292927731712#_ednref11" name="_edn11" style="color: #888888; text-decoration: none;" title=""><span class="MsoEndnoteReference"><span class="MsoEndnoteReference"><span style="line-height: 14px;">[xi]</span></span></span></a> See also Sithole M, 1999. Zimbabwe. Struggles within the struggle (1957-1980), Rujeko Publishers, Harare</span><br />
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<span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif; font-size: large;"><a href="http://www.blogger.com/blogger.g?blogID=3223755292927731712#_ednref12" name="_edn12" style="color: #888888; text-decoration: none;" title=""><span class="MsoEndnoteReference"><span class="MsoEndnoteReference"><span style="line-height: 14px;">[xii]</span></span></span></a> Fanon writes extensively of the nationalist bourgeoisie tendencies to replicate those that oppressed them in The Wretched of the Earth and an interesting dimension is added by Homi Bhabha From on Mimicry and Man, The Ambivalence of Colonial Discourse, taken from p85-92 On the location of Culture<a href="http://prelectur.stanford.edu/lecturers/bhabha/mimicry.html" style="color: #888888; text-decoration: none;">http://prelectur.stanford.edu/lecturers/bhabha/mimicry.html</a></span><br />
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<span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif; font-size: large;"><a href="http://www.blogger.com/blogger.g?blogID=3223755292927731712#_ednref13" name="_edn13" style="color: #888888; text-decoration: none;" title=""><span class="MsoEndnoteReference"><span class="MsoEndnoteReference"><span style="line-height: 14px;">[xiii]</span></span></span></a> For analysis of government programmes in the first decade of independence see also Mandaza 1. 1986 Zimbabwe: The Political Economy of Transition, SAPES Books, Harare</span><br />
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<span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif; font-size: large;"><a href="http://www.blogger.com/blogger.g?blogID=3223755292927731712#_ednref14" name="_edn14" style="color: #888888; text-decoration: none;" title=""><span class="MsoEndnoteReference"><span class="MsoEndnoteReference"><span style="line-height: 14px;">[xiv]</span></span></span></a> Zimbabwe Congress of Trade Unions, 1996 Beyond Esap:<a href="http://www.weaverpresszimbabwe.com/latest-reviews/87-beyond-the-enclave/438-statement-by-cde-lovemore-matombo.html" style="color: #888888; text-decoration: none;">http://www.weaverpresszimbabwe.com/latest-reviews/87-beyond-the-enclave/438-statement-by-cde-lovemore-matombo.html</a></span><br />
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<span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif; font-size: large;"><a href="http://www.blogger.com/blogger.g?blogID=3223755292927731712#_ednref15" name="_edn15" style="color: #888888; text-decoration: none;" title=""><span class="MsoEndnoteReference"><span class="MsoEndnoteReference"><span style="line-height: 14px;">[xv]</span></span></span></a> Kanyenze G, Kondo T (eds) 2011. Beyond the Enclave: Toward a Pro-Poor and Inclusive Development Strategy for Zimbabwe, Weaver Press, Harare</span><br />
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<span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif; font-size: large;"><a href="http://www.blogger.com/blogger.g?blogID=3223755292927731712#_ednref16" name="_edn16" style="color: #888888; text-decoration: none;" title=""><span class="MsoEndnoteReference"><span class="MsoEndnoteReference"><span style="line-height: 14px;">[xvi]</span></span></span></a> For further reading on organic intellectuals and hegemony please see Hoare Q, Smith G, 1971, Gramsci: Selections from the Prison Notebooks, International Publishers, Co</span><br />
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<span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif; font-size: large;"><a href="http://www.blogger.com/blogger.g?blogID=3223755292927731712#_ednref17" name="_edn17" style="color: #888888; text-decoration: none;" title=""><span class="MsoEndnoteReference"><span class="MsoEndnoteReference"><span style="line-height: 14px;">[xvii]</span></span></span></a> Chabal P, Daloz J (eds), 1999, Africa works, Disorder as Political Instrument Indiana University Press</span><br />
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<span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif; font-size: large;"><a href="http://www.blogger.com/blogger.g?blogID=3223755292927731712#_ednref18" name="_edn18" style="color: #888888; text-decoration: none;" title=""><span class="MsoEndnoteReference"><span class="MsoEndnoteReference"><span style="line-height: 14px;">[xviii]</span></span></span></a> Yeros P. Zimbabwe and the Dilemmas of the Left. Historical Materialism. Volume 10, No. 2, 2002 pp 3-15</span><br />
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<span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif; font-size: large;"><a href="http://www.blogger.com/blogger.g?blogID=3223755292927731712#_ednref19" name="_edn19" style="color: #888888; text-decoration: none;" title=""><span class="MsoEndnoteReference"><span class="MsoEndnoteReference"><span style="line-height: 14px;">[xix]</span></span></span></a> See also analysis by Ian Scoones et al, 2010, Zimbabwe’s Land Reform: Myths and Realities, James Currey,</span><br />
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<span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif; font-size: large;"><a href="http://www.blogger.com/blogger.g?blogID=3223755292927731712#_ednref20" name="_edn20" style="color: #888888; text-decoration: none;" title=""><span class="MsoEndnoteReference"><span class="MsoEndnoteReference"><span style="line-height: 14px;">[xx]</span></span></span></a> Ranger T, 2003. Historiography, Patriotic history and the History of a Nation; the struggle over the past in Zimbabwe( Idoga Annual Distinguished Lecture on Africa 2003, University of Ghent)<a href="http://cas1.elis.ugent.be/avrug/pdf06/ranger.pdf" style="color: #888888; text-decoration: none;">http://cas1.elis.ugent.be/avrug/pdf06/ranger.pdf</a></span><br />
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<span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif; font-size: large;"><a href="http://www.blogger.com/blogger.g?blogID=3223755292927731712#_ednref21" name="_edn21" style="color: #888888; text-decoration: none;" title=""><span class="MsoEndnoteReference"><span class="MsoEndnoteReference"><span style="line-height: 14px;">[xxi]</span></span></span></a> Hammer A, Raftopolous B (eds) 2000. Zimbabwe’s Unfinished Business. Rethinking Land, State, Nation in the Context of Crisis, Weaver Press, Harare</span><br />
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<span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif; font-size: large;"><a href="http://www.blogger.com/blogger.g?blogID=3223755292927731712#_ednref22" name="_edn22" style="color: #888888; text-decoration: none;" title=""><span class="MsoEndnoteReference"><span class="MsoEndnoteReference"><span style="line-height: 14px;">[xxii]</span></span></span></a> Cabral A. The Weapon of Theory. Address Delivered to the First Tricontinental Conference of the Peoples of Asia, Latin America held in Havana in January 1966.<a href="http://www.marxists.org/subject/africa/cabral/1966/weapon-theory.htm" style="color: #888888; text-decoration: none;">http://www.marxists.org/subject/africa/cabral/1966/weapon-theory.htm</a></span></div>
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<b><span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif; font-size: large; line-height: 21px;">It’s our time to define our own destiny.</span></b><br />
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<b><span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif; font-size: large; line-height: 21px;">By Clever Bere</span></b><br />
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<span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif; font-size: large; line-height: 24px;">On the 18<sup>th</sup> of April 2012, our country will be celebrating her 32<sup>nd </sup>Anniversary. If it was a human being, the country would have reached adulthood, be able to fend for him/herself, expected to or already having fathered or mothered, and able to decide what is right or wrong. With a human being this process of decision making, growth and so forth is influenced by relatively fewer forces. It is different when it is applied to a state or a country.</span></div>
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<span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif; font-size: large; line-height: 24px;">Consequences of decisions made by those in national political authority have far reaching consequences on their people, the current generation and those to come. As in societal families if a previous generation has not invested in the future of those to come, its mistakes weigh heavily on generations to come. I am saying this mindful of the fact that as with a human families, a country can face constraints associated with pursuing the right track towards development and success for the benefit of posterity. It is therefore of fundamental importance for careful thought to be applied when making such decisions that have such far reaching consequences.</span></div>
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<span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif; font-size: large; line-height: 24px;">I am authoring this piece under particularly complex circumstances for young people in Zimbabwe. On the one hand, these seem to be really exciting times for youths and prospects for youth development and empowerment in 32 years of our national independence. This is especially so when one listens to the rhetoric that has been espoused by our contemporary leaders in the country and on the continent at large regarding youth empowerment. On the other hand real challenges seem to continue to mount on the youths in Zimbabwe, Africa and globally due to spiraling unemployment, lack of vocational skills training, universal access to t education, access to capital and opportunities, lack of access to health services including those related to diagnosis, treatment, and care of those living with HIV and, above all, prevention of new HIV infections among the youths.</span></div>
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<span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif; font-size: large; line-height: 24px;">To be specific to Zimbabwe, the issue of political patronage of the youth has compounded matter further. Indeed for one to survive as a young person in the country, one has to tow a certain political line. Failure to tow the political line is associated with persecution, victimization and exclusion. Cases of this treatment to young leaders who would have dared to stand their ground and speak the truth, only to face the music are numerous (even this author is also a victim). This is not in any way implying, as has been said in some spaces, that the author is a bitter-man, disgruntled and so forth. He is not.</span></div>
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<span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif; font-size: large; line-height: 24px;">This persecution does not apply to Zimbabwe alone; we have also witnessed and followed with keen interest the consented, sustained and vicious attack on the youth leadership of the Africa National Congress (ANC) in South Africa, with its president being the major victim. Malema might not be the best of young leaders on the continent and I seek not to defend him, but I will sympathize with him for as long as he is youth leader with a constituency that voted for him and that continue to support him, simply that.</span></div>
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<span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif; font-size: large; line-height: 24px;">The process of young people claiming their birthright to define their future has however dawned upon us all. This is particularly in the wake of evidence of the exclusion of young people in mainstream policy making processes via riots and demonstrations in Egypt, Tunisia, the United Kingdom and the Occupy Wall Street movement of the United States. </span><br />
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<span style="font-size: large; line-height: 24px;">Zimbabwe is in no way an exception as we approach our 32<sup>nd</sup> anniversary of our national independence. Unless young people are taken with greater seriousness, it is for every political, business and social player to realize that the youth of Zimbabwe, Africa and the World are most likely to rebel. As a matter of fact, the rebellion has already began; a rebellion against patronage, a rebellion against corrupt leadership, a rebellion against manipulation and indeed a rebellion against poverty. Yes we say no to dictatorship in all its from, subtle or blatant.</span></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif; font-size: large; line-height: 24px;">All this is happening during a very historic period in the quest for youth development in the country and on the continent. The continent’s leadership adopted African Youth Decade 2009-2018 Plan of Action for Accelerating Youth Empowerment for Sustainable Development as the Road Map towards a<i> </i>multi-sectoral and multi-dimensional engagement of all stakeholders towards the achievement of the goals and objectives<i> </i>of the African Youth Charter<i>. </i>Indeed it is a charter to which the Zimbabwean government is signatory and which was a milestone step meant to bring Zimbabwean and African stakeholders to address the challenges of young people in the country and on the continent.</span></div>
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<span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif; font-size: large; line-height: 24px;">Unfortunately there are deficiencies particularly around the crafting of the Plan of Action. Very few young people were involved, consulted and are aware of the existence of the Plan of Action and the Charter itself. Its implementation is driven by the older generations that has left us more miserable that we were twenty years ago, that generation we are rebelling against. And yes we must rebel. Even the very same older generation indeed realize that, and to quote the words of one African statesman, former president of South Africa Thabo Mbeki,</span></div>
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<span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif; font-size: large;"><span style="line-height: 24px;">“ </span><i><span style="line-height: 24px;">It (youth) must organise and ready itself to constitute itself into a rebellion because it would obviously be unnatural that I, a member of the older generation, would easily and willingly accept that younger people, my own</span></i><span style="line-height: 24px;"> <i>children, should, at best, sit side-by-side with me as co-leaders, fully empowered to help determine the future of our people.</i><span class="MsoEndnoteReference"><span class="MsoEndnoteReference"><span style="line-height: 18px;">[xxii]</span></span></span><i>”</i></span></span><br />
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<span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif; font-size: large; line-height: 24px;">Yes young people must have a strong say in the determination of the future or our country. We have learnt that, over the past thirty two years, the political leadership in particular but also leadership in business and society have been so selfish and curtailed the development of young people.</span><br />
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<span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif; font-size: large;"><span style="line-height: 24px;">The Zimbabwe People’s Charter is clear in as far as answering what needs to be done. </span><span style="color: black; line-height: 24px;">Regarding the youth, the charter acknowledges that</span></span></div>
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<span style="color: black; font-family: Verdana, sans-serif; font-size: large; line-height: 24px;">“ y<i>oung people represent the present and the future of our country and that all those in positions of leadership nationally and locally must remain true to the fact that our country shall be passed on from one generation to the next. The charter further state that, in order for each generation to bequeath to the next a country that remains the epitome of hope, democracy and sustainable livelihoods, the following principles for the youth must be adhered to and respected:</i></span></div>
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<li class="MsoNormal" style="color: black; line-height: 19px; margin-bottom: 0.25em; margin-left: 0px; margin-right: 0px; margin-top: 0px; padding-bottom: 0px; padding-left: 0px; padding-right: 0px; padding-top: 0px; text-align: justify;"><i><span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif; font-size: large; line-height: 24px;">The youth shall be guaranteed an equal voice in decision-making processes that not only affect them but the country as a whole in all spheres of politics, the national economy and social welfare. ·</span></i></li>
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<span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif; font-size: large; line-height: 24px;">Past and present developments have shown us that this cannot be achieved on a silver plate, thus the relevance of a rebellious approach. The young people of Arab world have rebelled in their way, providing inspiration to young people across the world. The occupy-wall-street despite its limited media coverage by the biased international media is a significant rebellion against global capital.</span></div>
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<span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif; font-size: large; line-height: 24px;">The Zuma-Malema saga further shows us that young people also have the capacity to stand their ground. We have done the same here and will continue to do so. Yes young people have started to speak out on the manner in which empowerment funds are being disbursed. We continue to speak against the gross injustices in the workplace. And we will speak against the continued looting of our natural resources, through the unholy alliance and tag team of global capital and the selfish political elite to which we will not be far from the truth if we would based on their conduct label them unpatriotic.</span></div>
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<span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif; font-size: large; line-height: 24px;">However one major obstacle impeding on young people’s ability to achieve results has been the disunity in our youth’s movement. Of cause in some way this disunity is because of the hand of the older generation. As the Youth Committee of the Committee of the People’s Charter we are of the reality that unless we come together as young people, define our agenda and pursue it we will remain living at the mercy of the political and business elites. To buttress my point, I will borrow the influential statement made by that great thinker and proponent of human liberation, Frantz Fanon, many years ago - that</span></div>
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<i><span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif; font-size: large; line-height: 24px;">“Each generation must, out of relative obscurity, discover its mission, fulfil it or betray it.”</span></i></div>
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<span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif; font-size: large; line-height: 24px;">We were not in the front not because we are cowards, not because we are less patriotic; it is simply because we were not yet born. This doesn’t mean in anyway that we do not appreciate the sacrifices of the gallant sons and daughters who, shoulder to shoulder with the peasants, the workers and all Zimbabweans in the country and abroad, to liberate the country.</span></div>
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<span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif; font-size: large; line-height: 24px;">For that we appreciate and remain grateful, for it was a worthy cause. The fact that we were not there in 1999 when the real opposition to ZANU PF, MDC was formed does not mean we are cowards either. It is just that we were too young to be there. The equally recognize the work done by the MDC in trying to bring democracy to the country. Every moment however has its leaders, with a different agenda and mandate, whether you fulfill it or betray it, your time will come to pass and other generations will come.</span><br />
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<span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif; font-size: large; line-height: 24px;">It is our right to enjoy the benefits of independence.</span><br />
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<span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif; font-size: large; line-height: 24px;">Happy 32<sup>nd</sup> anniversary Zimbabwe. Uhuru.</span><br />
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<span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif; font-size: large;"><span style="line-height: 24px;">Clever Bere can be contacted on </span><a href="mailto:cleverbere@gmail.com" style="color: #888888; text-decoration: none;"><span style="line-height: 24px;">cleverbere@gmail.com</span></a><span style="line-height: 24px;"></span></span><br />
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<span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif; font-size: large;">i)<span style="line-height: normal;"> </span>Thabo Mbeki Address at the UNDP-UN Habitat 21 Global Youth Leadership Forum on Inclusive Governance NAIROBI, KENYA; MARCH 17, 2012. <i>TASKS OF THE YOUTH OF THE WORLD.</i></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif; font-size: large;">ii)<span style="line-height: normal;"> </span> Zimbabwe People’s Charter adopted Feb 2008.</span></div>
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<b><u><span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif; font-size: large; line-height: 24px;">Zimbabwe at 32 – Tracing the Fading Democratic Value of National Leadership</span></u></b></div>
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<b><span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif; font-size: large; line-height: 24px;">By Tabani Moyo</span></b></div>
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<span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif; font-size: large; line-height: 24px;">In our lives as living organisms, we take time to introspect especially on the day one was born. The same is true four our country Zimbabwe on a day such as 18 April 2012. It is expected that we all fall back into the memory lane and try as much as is possible to rethink how our country has traveled and locating those areas could have been done differently, if not better.</span></div>
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<span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif; font-size: large; line-height: 24px;">Though the day might be congested with slogans specifically from those who wish to sweep the grey areas of the passage of time under the carpet, but as a collective we need to outdo the drowning partisan portrayal of our national independence by the few. In the process we must see to it that we are as candid as we can in the introspective process. This is the reasoning behind the penning of this essay, nothing less nothing more, but a frank attempt at charting the nation’s progression and development.</span></div>
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<span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif; font-size: large; line-height: 24px;">There is a striking reality in Zimbabwe. It’s a nation that has known of one leader since independence. This we have nurtured either consciously or subconsciously. The generation represented by the ageing leadership has literally surrendered offering sound advice on the need for renewal and rather joined the wagon in praise singing acts rather than doing the honourable thing. This same generation and the ‘supreme leader’ have became a danger to the national thinking and the sooner the peoples of Zimbabwe realize and act on matter the better for national progression. In discussing this concept it is anchored on an understanding that the weaker the leadership, the weaker the state and nation becomes domestically, regionally and internationally.</span></div>
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<span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif; font-size: large; line-height: 24px;">This singular factor, tied up to other trickling tributaries has accounted to the weakening of the state as those that stampede to surround themselves around the supreme leader end up thinking on narrow personal and trivial party interests and entrenchments rather than serving the nation and its people therein.</span></div>
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<span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif; font-size: large; line-height: 24px;">This has in a way created a super elite group of primitive accumulation actors within the leadership. For the purposes of this article the leadership being a person, who often emerges as the head of the government, the head of the party and government in totality. The long and sort of it is that for the past 32 years we have modeled Zimbabwe around an individual who commands a clientele group of people at party level, through to the government and in a larger way controlling how the entire society as a nation is engineered.</span></div>
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<span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif; font-size: large; line-height: 24px;">This has collapsed organized systems in which a government, a country and the polity are supposed to operate. The 32 years of our independence have been a sliding of Zimbabwe from a liberated nation towards a clientele leadership who spend quite a sizable amount of time in crafting song, dance and other forms of art in praising an individual not a collective agenda for the nation. The collective national agenda espoused in the liberation struggle ethos are therefore subordinate to the leader, conveniently when it suits him/her for political capital, rather than pursuing the national agenda of developing and ensuring the nation state is competitive in the full measure of progressive and democratic development.</span></div>
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<span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif; font-size: large; line-height: 24px;">This, the prolific write Wole Soyinka noted in his book, <i>You Must Set Forth at Dawn</i> when be argued,</span></div>
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<span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif; font-size: large;"><i><span style="line-height: 24px;">“This strange breed was a complete contrast to the nationalist stalwarts in whose hands we had imagined the country could be safely consigned while we went on a liberation march… we were bombarded by utterances that identified only flamboyant replacements of the old colonial order, not transformation agents, not even empathizing participants in a process of liberation.”</span></i><span style="line-height: 24px;"> </span></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif; font-size: large; line-height: 24px;">The views by the Nigerian scholar have become so profound to the interpretation of our state of leadership in Zimbabwe, 32 years after independence. I alluded earlier on that leadership in this case is an epitome of an individual, whose wishes, actions, thinking, sleeping or breathing becomes the non-progressive definition of a nation. 32 years on, the actions of an individual: wrong or right; brutal or in good faith; heavenly or evil, are still defining the axis in which the nation state orbits.</span></div>
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<span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif; font-size: large; line-height: 24px;">What has become apparent is that the current crop that emerged from the liberation front has lost the transformation agency spirit that guided the struggle. The ideals of the liberation struggles and that which is unfolding on the ground showcases a serious deficiency in the letter and spirit of transforming the country into a responsive state that satisfies the needs of its citizens.</span></div>
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<span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif; font-size: large; line-height: 24px;">In this regard, Zimbabwe, a nation of close to 14 million people faces the challenge of failing to secure a renewed effort in choosing the leader of the Republic who wields the psychological (mental) and physical (healthy and youthful) strata of leadership that can take over the liberation struggle agenda to that of transforming a nation state into an organic one that answers to the citizens’ yearnings. In our small and humble measurement, we are the SADC Island that fails to appreciate that there is life after figureheads at the helm of the state.</span></div>
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<span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif; font-size: large; line-height: 24px;">But we do protect this figurehead for personal reasons, given the fact that the bulk of these people who call themselves business people, can only claim that title because they have made our state a private enterprise. Without the protection of the state and the state providing tenders and other protective measures, this group of clientelism will not survive competing in the business world.</span></div>
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<span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif; font-size: large; line-height: 24px;">This in the long run is bleeding the state as it becomes an opportunity cost on the central government to fulfill its mandate of social service delivery. But the syndicates in this clientele group will keep on managing spin headlines to the international world, that the nation state has developed the most skilled minds in Africa, that the land is back into the hands of the majority and that we have one man one vote system in place.</span></div>
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<span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif; font-size: large; line-height: 24px;">Though it might be noted that the land question in Zimbabwe though controversial but is no longer reversible, it remains necessary to highlight to the powers that be that the average citizen who was allocated land in Mazowe, which is prime land in Mashonaland Central is now being evicted and being pushed back to marginal lands which they were previously. In their place it is the very same ‘business’ magnates who relay on the ‘captive state protectionism’ for their tender and other means of survival.</span></div>
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<span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif; font-size: large; line-height: 24px;">Our curriculum is now structured in a way that it is like a conveyor belt which fails itself in grading the final product from the raw ones, but still prides itself of producing the best of quantities as opposed to the much needed quality outcome. Our voting schedules and procedures are now resting in the hands of other nations. This is, as argued by Soyinka, ‘<i>because our state which is a centre of resource allocation was captured by flamboyant replacements of the old colonial order, not transformation agents, not even empathizing participants in a process of liberation</i>.’</span></div>
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<span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif; font-size: large; line-height: 24px;">Soyinka went on to note that, <i>“We ask ourselves, were these men, who routinely conducted themselves with such gracelessness, the true representatives of a national mandate?”</i> On this important day, this question is no longer pointed at the leaders from the liberation struggle but to those who started leading the defiance campaign to those who lost the liberation struggle mandate due to their deeds post independence. We therefore, collectively place the new government order under spotlight. How fast has been the process of sublimation? As in the old time classic,<i>Animal Farm</i> if we are to look at the pigs and the people, are we going to find marginal differences? This is what the Zimbabwean nation should answer.</span></div>
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<span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif; font-size: large; line-height: 24px;">We have been watching them from a distance and noted that the new entrants into the leadership roles of the government, through their deeds as contrary to their spoken word seem to send a clear message that their ascendancy to the national government is the monopoly of the privileged by the minority. As if to say that the messages on this occasion of 32 years of independence the language is that of say, stake your claims. The earlier you position yourselves, the bigger your slice of the national cake. It is necessary here to reassert my point that the definition of leadership has not changed.At 32 years of age, can the country stomach a leadership which scrambles for aggrandizement through cars, houses, allowances and paid for massages?</span></div>
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<span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif; font-size: large; line-height: 24px;">In this process of commemorating our national independence, we ought to make it candidly clear that the call for transformation agency has really become urgent. This is to say that we must never allow ourselves to be slaves of our own liberation efforts. It is paradoxical that at every time we differ in our course of direction, a ransom demand is made by those who have lost the libation struggle mandate, reminding the nation, the people and at times defining how blood can easily be shed. This belongs to savages, barbarians, sadists and other forms of “isms” that have no place in modern states configuration. To a larger extent it points to a failed understanding of the liberation struggle’s compass and its meaning thereof to the peoples of Zimbabwe, the region and the international world order.</span></div>
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<span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif; font-size: large; line-height: 24px;">We know very much that our place within the evolving organisms of new nations shall be redefined. This is more urgent given the fact that the current leadership does not have adequate knowledge of the net worthy value of its belongings nor the value of the country. I am yet to met a single leader with competent knowledge of the interpolation of the amount of minerals, the amounts of gas, the net worth of wild life and how best it can be cultivated into the development of our nation. With such poor leadership, the nation is in danger. Anyone with access to these unaccounted for resources can easily fund insurgence. It is more dangerous with a weak state like ours where the public and even senior officials are clueless of the net revenue emanating from the country’s trading with the world.</span></div>
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<span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif; font-size: large; line-height: 24px;">Irrespective of the limited knowledge of the country’s resources, we continue to structure deals which are nothing short of fraudulent behavior. One for example cannot competently explain why the government gave the Chinese ‘unlimited’ access to diamonds in the Chiyadzwa mine fields in exchange of the company building a military staff college located in Mazowe. Rationale thinking would point to a profitable decision of dualising our highway roads in the country in exchange to such access to the precious minerals. Addressing issues of the country wide pronounced starvation, health system, education and the failing industry.</span></div>
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<span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif; font-size: large; line-height: 24px;">At 32, I hope against the tide that, we must see to it that we cause change to happen. Changing of the configuration of the country is a function of a sound mindset leading it. As is, we have a long way to go, unless a new breed with new thinking surfaces.</span><br />
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<span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif; font-size: large;"><span style="line-height: 24px;">Tabani Moyo can be contacted at </span><a href="mailto:rebeljournalist@yahoo.com" style="color: #888888; text-decoration: none;"><span style="line-height: 24px;">rebeljournalist@yahoo.com</span></a></span><span style="font-family: Arial, Tahoma, Helvetica, FreeSans, sans-serif; font-size: small; line-height: 24px;"></span></div>
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Our Country Toohttp://www.blogger.com/profile/15835097949283298579noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-6203271665638639114.post-86596516488630634432012-03-24T10:46:00.001-07:002015-07-03T09:17:19.562-07:00Stop the Commodification of Women<div class="MsoNormal" style="background-attachment: initial; background-clip: initial; background-color: white; background-image: initial; background-origin: initial; background-position: initial initial; background-repeat: initial initial; margin-bottom: 12pt; text-align: justify;">
<b><span style="color: #550055; font-family: Verdana, sans-serif; font-size: large;">24 March 2012</span></b><br />
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<span style="background-color: white; color: #550055; font-family: Verdana, sans-serif; font-size: large;">The Committee of the Peoples Charter (CPC) notes with great dismay a reported and unfortunate incident in which a male drummer was ‘rewarded’ with a wife for his artistic exploits in Hurungwe. This unfortunate exchange of a human being in return for artistic performance was reported in the Newsday of 24 March 2012.</span><br />
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<span style="font-size: large;"><span style="color: #550055; font-family: Verdana, sans-serif;">It is the CPCs firm view that Zimbabwean society should never tolerate the objectification or commodification of our country’s female citizens. This is regardless of whether it was a cultural practice of the past or even of present day communities. No culture or religion that exists in contemporary Zimbabwean society must be permitted to treat women as commodities for exchange. </span></span><br />
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<span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif; font-size: large;"><span style="color: #550055;">Even where the woman consented to such an inhumane transaction, it cannot be viewed as an honest process since it goes against the spirit and letter of the democratic principle that all men and women are equal before the law and in society.</span><span style="color: #550055;"><o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
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<span style="font-size: large;"><span style="color: #550055; font-family: Verdana, sans-serif;">Given that Zimbabwean society is conscious of the history of exploitation in the colonial era where the forced labour system of ‘chibaro’ was utilized with impunity, this reported exchange of a human being for a service is distastefully reminiscent of such oppression. </span></span><br />
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<span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif; font-size: large;"><span style="color: #550055;">Further still, it is a sad reminder of the general practices of the tragic ‘African slave trade’ where powerful chiefs exploited their own citizens and sold them to European and Arabic slave traders in return for trinkets and cheap alcohol.</span><span style="color: #550055;"><o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
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<span style="font-size: large;"><span style="color: #550055; font-family: Verdana, sans-serif;">The CPC calls upon the Ministry of Women’s Affairs, Gender and Community Development, the Ministry of Justice and the Ministry of Labour and Social Welfare to urgently act to redress this unfortunate development. The reparative action must include advising the families concerned that it is undemocratic and against moral norms and values to trade human beings in return for a commodity or service. Further to this, the relevant local authority must make it clear that such exchanges are patently criminal and similar to those of human trafficking.</span><span style="color: #550055; font-family: 'Courier New', Courier, monospace;"><o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
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Our Country Toohttp://www.blogger.com/profile/15835097949283298579noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-6203271665638639114.post-73832976563629952012-03-07T03:18:00.002-08:002015-07-03T09:18:10.514-07:00Government should not politicize hunger in the face of famine<span style="background-color: rgba(255, 255, 255, 0.921569); color: #222222; font-family: Verdana, sans-serif; font-size: large;">CPC PRESS RELEASE</span><br />
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<span style="background-color: rgba(255, 255, 255, 0.921569); color: #222222;">7 March 2012</span></span><br />
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<span style="background-color: rgba(255, 255, 255, 0.921569); color: #222222; font-family: Courier New, Courier, monospace; font-size: medium;">The Committee of the Peoples Charter (CPC) regards the recent statements by the Minister of Agriculture, Mechanisation and Irrigation , Dr Joseph Made, on the 2011-2012 rainy season's drought situation in Zimbabwe as a serious cause for concern.</span></span><br />
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<span style="background-color: rgba(255, 255, 255, 0.921569); color: #222222; font-family: Courier New, Courier, monospace; font-size: medium;">Dr. Made is reported in the media as having sought to blame Finance Minister Tendai Biti for the current situation in which the inclusive government finds itself ill-prepared to tackle the food security crisis that is facing millions of Zimbabwe.</span></span><br />
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<span style="background-color: rgba(255, 255, 255, 0.921569); color: #222222; font-family: Courier New, Courier, monospace; font-size: medium;"> It is the CPC's view that such political blame games are distasteful attempts at the unnecessary politicizing of the serious national food crisis that a majority of Zimbabweans are facing. </span></span><br />
<span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif; font-size: large;"><span style="background-color: rgba(255, 255, 255, 0.921569); color: #222222; font-family: Courier New, Courier, monospace; font-size: medium;"><br /></span>
<span style="background-color: rgba(255, 255, 255, 0.921569); color: #222222; font-family: Courier New, Courier, monospace; font-size: medium;">It is a sad development that too often government ministries or departments have sought to play such political blame games with each other while millions of Zimbabweans face the scourge of famine.</span></span><br />
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<span style="background-color: rgba(255, 255, 255, 0.921569); color: #222222; font-family: Courier New, Courier, monospace; font-size: medium;"> It is a well established fact that Zimbabwe is scientifically known to have a drought prone climate and therefore any failure to mitigate the same is indicative of the collective failure of the government of Zimbabwe to govern in the best interests of its own citizens.</span></span><br />
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<span style="background-color: rgba(255, 255, 255, 0.921569); color: #222222; font-family: Courier New, Courier, monospace; font-size: medium;">It is therefore imperative that the entirety of the inclusive government act in unison to tackle the challenge that Zimbabwe faces as a result of the projected poor harvest of the 2011-2012 agricultural season. This would entail an immediate departure from politically partisan narratives about what could have caused greater parts of Zimbabwe to receive poor to inadequate rainfall.</span></span><br />
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<span style="background-color: rgba(255, 255, 255, 0.921569); color: #222222; font-family: Courier New, Courier, monospace; font-size: medium;">The inclusive government must prioritize the urgent completion of the remainder of the crop assessment exercise in order to establish a comprehensive drought mitigation strategy in consultation with local civil society and international donors. </span></span><br />
<span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif; font-size: large;"><span style="background-color: rgba(255, 255, 255, 0.921569); color: #222222; font-family: Courier New, Courier, monospace; font-size: medium;"><br /></span>
<span style="background-color: rgba(255, 255, 255, 0.921569); color: #222222; font-family: Courier New, Courier, monospace; font-size: medium;">This must be done in tandem with the rolling out of an urgent holistic and non-partisan food relief distribution programme aimed at protecting vulnerable rural, peri-urban and urban households from the negative socio-economic effects of famine.</span></span><br />
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<span style="background-color: rgba(255, 255, 255, 0.921569); color: #222222; font-family: Courier New, Courier, monospace; font-size: medium;"> All of these processes must be done with full public knowledge as to the state of progress in order to prevent illness and death due to negligence of the people of Zimbabwe by the inclusive government and relevant stakeholders.</span></span><br />
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<span style="background-color: rgba(255, 255, 255, 0.921569); color: #222222; font-family: Courier New, Courier, monospace; font-size: medium;">The CPC also insists that all the three parties in the inclusive government are not only collectively responsible for the poor response to the pending famine, but will be found liable of betraying the interests of the people of Zimbabwe should they decide to politicize hunger in the face of famine.</span></span><br />
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<span style="background-color: rgba(255, 255, 255, 0.921569); color: #222222; font-family: Verdana, sans-serif; font-size: large;">CPC Media Committee</span><br />
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<span style="background-color: rgba(255, 255, 255, 0.921569); color: #222222; font-family: Verdana, sans-serif; font-size: large;">Zimbabwe</span>Our Country Toohttp://www.blogger.com/profile/15835097949283298579noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-6203271665638639114.post-70101474193820899042012-02-09T22:33:00.001-08:002015-07-03T09:19:21.251-07:00Resolutions of the Commemorative Meeting of Four Years of the Zimbabwe People’s Charter: Assessing the Challenges and Re-connecting Civil Society’s Democratic Principles with Zimbabwe’s Future<div dir="ltr" style="text-align: left;" trbidi="on">
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<span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif; font-size: large;">9 February 2012</span></div>
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<span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif; font-size: large;"><b><span lang="EN-US" style="line-height: 21px;">We, members of civil society organisations and citizens of Zimbabwe here gathered on 0</span></b><b><span lang="EN-US" style="line-height: 21px;">9 February 2012, four years after we committed ourselves to the values and principles outlined in the Zimbabwe Peoples Charter on February 9, 2008 in full knowledge of the political, social and economic challenges that our country Zimbabwe continues to face in 2012, and with this statement of re-commitment to the same values that are in the Zimbabwe People’s Charter, hereby resolve the following:</span></b></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif; font-size: large;"><b><span lang="EN-US" style="line-height: 21px;">1.<span style="font-style: normal; font-variant: normal; font-weight: normal; line-height: normal;"> </span></span></b><span lang="EN-US" style="line-height: 21px;">That members here present pledge to rejuvenate and give life to the Zimbabwe Peoples Charter (ZPC) through the mobilization and bringing together of Zimbabweans who subscribe to its founding principles as well as building provincial chapters and forming strategic alliances and networks at community, national, regional and international levels.</span></span><br />
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<span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif; font-size: large;"><b><span lang="EN-US" style="line-height: 21px;">2.</span><span lang="EN-US"> </span></b><span lang="EN-US" style="line-height: 21px;">Among other principal activities, participants to this meeting will act to create space and give voice to the ZPC fundamental founding principles, specifically through playing an objective watchdog role on all the policies of the inclusive government and any other government of the day;</span></span><br />
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<span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif; font-size: large;"><b><span lang="EN-US" style="line-height: 21px;">3.</span><span lang="EN-US"> </span></b><span lang="EN-US" style="line-height: 21px;">That members here present commit to promoting accountability and transparency within the socio-economic, political processes of Zimbabwe at community and national level s so as to ensure that public responsibilities are executed by any government of the day to the satisfaction of the majority of Zimbabweans.</span></span><br />
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<span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif; font-size: large;"><b><span lang="EN-US" style="line-height: 21px;">4.<span style="font-style: normal; font-variant: normal; font-weight: normal; line-height: normal;"> </span></span></b><span lang="EN-US" style="line-height: 21px;">In the interest of the realization of the ideals of the Peoples Charter, members here present endorse the interim Committee of the Peoples Charter to undertake activities such as information and publicity activities, public lectures and other similar activities that create and increase awareness among the majority of Zimbabweans of the ideals, principles and aspirations for which the Charter was formed and seek to champion today and in the future.</span></span><br />
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<span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif; font-size: large;"><b><span lang="EN-US" style="line-height: 21px;">5.<span style="font-style: normal; font-variant: normal; font-weight: normal; line-height: normal;"> </span></span></b><span lang="EN-US" style="line-height: 21px;">Members here present and organizations and individuals that were present at the genesis of the Charter should recommit to the Zimbabwe People’s Charter on or before the 29<sup>th</sup> February 2012.</span></span><br />
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<span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif; font-size: large;"><b><span lang="EN-US" style="line-height: 21px;">6.</span><span lang="EN-US"> </span></b><span lang="EN-US" style="line-height: 21px;">Organizations and individuals that were not present in February 2008 but are committed to the values and principles enunciated in the Zimbabwe Peoples Charter are very welcome to participate.</span></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif; font-size: large;"><b style="color: #222222;"><span lang="EN-US" style="line-height: 21px;">a</span></b><span lang="EN-US"><span style="color: #222222;"><span style="line-height: 21px;">) In this instance, re commitment will be taken to mean the integration of the Peoples Charter’s values and principles in each subscribing member in their activities and work at national, provincial and district levels of Zimbabwe<b></b></span></span></span></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif; font-size: large;"><b style="color: #222222;"><span lang="EN-US" style="line-height: 21px;">b)</span></b><span lang="EN-US"><span style="color: #222222;"><span style="line-height: 21px;"> Re-commitment is also taken to mean the measurement of the performance of any Zimbabwean government of the day on the basis of the values and principles outlined in the Zimbabwe Peoples Charter.</span></span></span></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif; font-size: large;"><b><span lang="EN-US" style="line-height: 21px;">7.</span><span lang="EN-US"> </span></b><span lang="EN-US" style="line-height: 21px;">That members here present agree that the founding working premise of the Committee of the Zimbabwe Peoples’ Charter (CPC) shall be the pursuit of the realization of the societal objectives enunciated by the Zimbabwe People’s Charter adopted at the Peoples Convention on 9 February 2008 in Harare, Zimbabwe for which we are gathered to commemorate four years of existence today.</span></span><br />
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<span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif; font-size: large;"><b><span lang="EN-US" style="line-height: 21px;">8.</span><span lang="EN-US"> </span></b><span lang="EN-US" style="line-height: 21px;">Until such a time when a substantive committee has been put in place, the current working committee (group) will continue to work with all who were in attendance at this meeting held on 09 February 2012 and those who gave notice of their inability to attend through coordinating activities of the CPC</span></span></div>
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Our Country Toohttp://www.blogger.com/profile/15835097949283298579noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-6203271665638639114.post-51719135587586931962012-02-07T06:03:00.000-08:002015-07-03T09:20:01.082-07:00Commemorating the 9th of February 2008.<div dir="ltr" style="text-align: left;" trbidi="on">
<i><span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif; font-size: large;">By Kudakwashe Chakabva</span></i><br />
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<span style="background-color: white; font-size: large; line-height: 14px;">On the 9th of February 2008 at least 3500 self conscious Zimbabweans met and discussed the state of affairs of their country. The gathering known as the People’s Convention conceived a document which was a Zimbabwe people’s projection of their country free of oppression, an expression of their wishes and aspirations –the People’s Charter. It was an epoch making event that served to consolidate and unify the different civic organizations into a principled alliance based on a coherent political philosophy and a shared vision of an alternative and radically different socio-eco-political arrangement.</span></span><br />
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<span style="background-color: white; font-size: large; line-height: 14px;">This year ,we the people of Zimbabwe shall mark four years after crafting and signing this so important document. It is thus imperative that we seek to locate the significance of those pledges we made to one another and make them a bar of reason upon which our current political realities can be put to test and justify themselves especially now that our unity of purpose seem so fragmented yet the demands of the historic people’s convention have not been met even half way.</span></span><br />
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<span style="background-color: white; font-size: large; line-height: 14px;">A number of events which directly intersect with the our demands, these include the 2008 elections, the creation of the current GNU, the constitutional reform etc have taken place and continue taking place yet often we have failed to locate ourselves and make a collective and concrete response. The one thing that we have failed to reflect on is that the enemy is neither withholding his offenses nor getting weaker because of our fragmentation or negation of principle, he is actually getting stronger by the day nor as result our struggle’s victory continues to be deferred. </span></span><br />
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<span style="background-color: white; font-size: large; line-height: 14px;">It is of essence that we remind each other that the purpose of that gathering was to affirm our conviction of wants based on the belief that our struggle was and is not against a group of individuals but against a system of administration and all its machinations, it is a struggle aimed at ushering in a new political culture of accountability, liberty, equality, tolerance, etc. It is statement of truth that our demands have not been met hence the charter should still shape our struggle</span></span><br />
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<span style="background-color: white; font-size: large; line-height: 14px;">As we mark the four year anniversary lets remind each other of the great tasks ahead of us: that the mere knowledge or craving for democratic rule should not make us content , far more important should be a principled program for its creation and actions are shaped by the shared common belief. </span></span><br />
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<span style="background-color: white; font-size: large; line-height: 14px;">Because of this, the struggle should not be fought wholly as responses to the actions of the regime rather we the people should seek to set the pace for the establishment, as the danger in following an adversary’s actions lays in the creation of politics of expedience characterized by deals not principles. </span></span><br />
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<span style="background-color: white; font-size: large; line-height: 14px;">The fundamentals of such a struggle include among other things not just an alerted mass of individuals but a politically mass conscious citizenry which is able to unpack, understand and implement an abstract political idea into reality on the ground. This way the political ideas not the prevailing circumstances shapes the individual’s political conduct and leaders become accountable for their actions. Such is the political terrain that is established when thousands of individuals gather to craft a document projecting a future as the one envisioned by the Zimbabwe People’s Charter. In a sense these shared ideals becomes the mind of a nation in a struggle.</span></span><br />
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<span style="background-color: white; font-size: large; line-height: 14px;">It is vital that we realize that political parties are inclined to compromises even at the cost of fundamentals but principles do not .We must not expect the architects of the present set up who are after all beneficiaries of the decay to arrive at their own accord at a change of orientation out of their own free will to modify their present attitude but we should act to impel them do so, for the one reason that it is our country too.</span></span> </div>
Our Country Toohttp://www.blogger.com/profile/15835097949283298579noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-6203271665638639114.post-12780335872696292372012-02-06T05:17:00.000-08:002015-07-03T09:20:43.410-07:00Zimbabwe commemorates Four years of the Zimbabwe People’s Charter<div dir="ltr" style="text-align: left;" trbidi="on">
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<span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif; font-size: large; line-height: 115%;">The Committee of the Peoples’ Charter will this year be hosting the inaugural fourth anniversary since the adoption of the Zimbabwe Peoples Charter on the 9<sup>th</sup> of February 2012 in Harare. The historic event will be held under the theme: <i>Four Years of the Zimbabwe People’s Charter: Assessing the Challenges and Re-connecting Civil Society’s Democratic Principles with Zimbabwe’s Future </i><o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif; font-size: large; line-height: 115%;">The self-introspective commemorations will bring together several civic society organizations varying from the youth groups, workers, churches, media, students, women and individuals who are signatory to the Zimbabwe Peoples Charter which was adopted on the 9<sup>th</sup> of February 2008.</span></div>
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<span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif; font-size: large; line-height: 115%;">Given its historic nature, a variety of activities are scheduled for the day which includes, a public lecture, public meeting and discussions reflecting on the four years since the Charter was adopted.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif; font-size: large; line-height: 115%;">The CPC is a political, economic, social and democratic accountability mechanism established in the interests of the people of Zimbabwe. <o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif; font-size: large; line-height: 115%;">The founding premise of the Committee of the Peoples Charter shall be the pursuit of the realization of the societal objectives enunciated by the Zimbabwe People’s Charter adopted at the Peoples Convention in Harare, Zimbabwe.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif; font-size: large; line-height: 115%;">We will continue bringing the Zimbabwean government of the day to account in relation to the national economy, gender equality, youth empowerment, a democratic political environment, free and fair elections, constitutional reform, media freedom and Zimbabwe’s national value system.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif; font-size: large;"><i><span style="line-height: 115%;"><b>Issued by the CPC media and publicity committee on the 6<sup>th</sup> of February 2012, Harare, Zimbabwe.</b></span></i><span style="line-height: 115%;"><o:p></o:p></span></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif; font-size: large;"><span style="background-color: white; text-align: -webkit-auto; white-space: pre-wrap;">contact: </span><a href="mailto:committee@zimbabwepeoplescharter.org" style="background-color: white; color: #0000cc; outline: none; text-align: -webkit-auto; white-space: pre-wrap;">committee@zimbabwepeoplescharter.org</a><span style="background-color: white; text-align: -webkit-auto; white-space: pre-wrap;">, </span></span></div>
<pre style="background-color: white; padding: 0px; text-align: -webkit-auto; white-space: pre-wrap !important;"><span style="font-family: Verdana, sans-serif; font-size: large;"><a href="http://www.peoplescharter.blogspot.com/" style="color: #0000cc; outline: none;" target="_blank">www.peoplescharter.blogspot.com</a>
0773 022 456,0712 603 439</span></pre>
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Our Country Toohttp://www.blogger.com/profile/15835097949283298579noreply@blogger.com0