NOTES ON THIRTY-FOUR YEARS OF ZIMBABWE’S INDEPENDENCE TOWARD A SOCIAL DEMOCRATIC FUTURE

18 April  2014

Contributors: David Chidende, Blessing Vava, Prince Tongogara, Takura Zhangazha

Contact Details: committeeofpeoplescharter@gmail.com

Zimbabwe@34: Base, Superstructure and Democratic Posterity

By Takura Zhangazha
Considerations on Zimbabwe’s independence rarely acknowledge the significant role the success of the liberation struggle owed to Socialism/Marxism. Both as an ideological premise as well as a pragmatic tool of linking ideals with the harsh realities of waging a protracted people’s war.   Its key contribution was the accentuation of a critical national consciousness. As the liberation war expanded, so did structural analysis of the state that was being supplanted as well as its envisioned replacement. 

While the same ideological pretext was never organically intertwined within our political culture or structures of the state, analyzing Zimbabwe’s 34 years of independence would take a much more serious perspective if the one time ubiquitous ‘base and superstructure’ Marxian analysis were to be applied in the contemporary. 

Because the base and superstructure theory relates largely to an understanding that every society has a foundation upon which all else is structured, in these mid 30s years of Zimbabwe’s existence, it would be trite to borrow this specific assumption on the basis of the departure point that was 1980.

It was one characterized by a base that was the settler state’s racist and intrinsically capitalist economic mode of production.

Granted, no departure is clean cut. Previous journeys always inform the next one. In our country’s case, as has been ably demonstrated both by politicians (of all hues, socialists, capitalists, communists) we realized the harsh reality that we could not shake off the structure of the colonial state.

Not only because the Lancaster House ceasefire agreement had an 8 year moratorium on changing settler state land ownership patterns or the electoral system.  But also because, while the liberation struggle was both painful and historic, its victory was not going to be succeeded by utopia. 

But the political  ‘base’ had been established by way of its intentions, its execution and the popular expectations of the majority of Zimbabweans. 

What was however to become more urgent was to construct a political-economic superstructure that would succeed that of the Rhodesian settler state.  In building this different and democratic superstructure to the base that was independence, the ruling party made the political mistake of not being visionary enough. Or alternatively, failed to adequately and democratically plan for what was coming.  
It emphasized more the political than the holistic basis of Zimbabwe’s independence. This holistic basis would have entailed organic linkages between the politics, the mainstream economy and the sociology of Zimbabwe. 

What we have had, as we have progressed to the 34 years that we now commemorate, is a country that has forgotten its base and reinvented a superstructure that feeds an elitist and corrupt political economy. 

One that does not ask if the people have access to basic socio-economic rights (water, health, education, transport, housing).  And with a political leadership that lives in the moment.  By doing so, it has forgotten the base and subverted the superstructure. Its singular consistency has been the popular but inorganic mandate of reminding the masses of the historicity of independence without marrying it to the contemporary. 

And this is where young Zimbabweans are beginning to ask questions. They no longer  understand the pragmatic and contemporary meaning  of the historical ‘base’ (aka independence) let alone the superstructure that is the existent political economy. Neither do the necessarily want  to. In fact they do not have to because the relevance of the same is lost on them.

Probably because contemporary national leaders exhibit such a profound ignorance of ‘base and superstructure’  they do not see any specific hope of pursuing as revolutionary a path as that of their forebears. Not that it’s necessary by way of action. But a similar consciousness would help. And seriously so. 

So as we celebrate 34 years of independence, while listening to readings of President Mugabe’s speech and all opposing  leaders counter speeches, we will remain burdened with the fact that we have lost sight of the ‘base’ and are in danger of foregoing a social democratic superstructure.

As a result the Zimbabwean state, at 34, is in limbo.  It makes sacrosanct reference to its past, but does not hold its future in awe. It functions without collective national vision nor a leadership that understands the imperatives of functioning for posterity.  Instead they function largely as each day comes. If they make mistakes, they revert to the assumed sanctity of the liberation or even post independence democratic struggles.  They invoke memory more than they evoke passion for the future.

In order to counter such a retrogressive national leadership, the question is no longer the Leninist ‘what is to be done’. Instead it must be, ‘what is to be understood’ before taking action. 

Where we understand, in considerations of the way forward that national independence was intended to be holistic, we begin to discern patterns of what should be a social democratic future.  Indeed there were urgent matters such as universal suffrage, land redistribution at the onset of independence. The broader framework was always for socio-economic justice, economic prosperity and continually democratic leadership.  This with an understanding that politics cannot happen without the economy and the latter cannot happen without the former. Instead, the two have functioned almost by default as has been the case since 1980. 

What is therefore required are no longer abstract five year development programmes such as the much lauded but inorganic ZimAsset. 

Instead we must look at the structures that have made Zimbabwe a state that is running away from the immediate and future needs of its people.  These structures relate not only to what we carried over from the Rhodesian state but that which was constructed with the greater  intention of retaining power.  While at the same time seeking to keep the madding masses at bay.

To change this sort of politics and elitist approach to the economy, we must bring the present government to account. Not just by way of its current policies but with direct reference to the ‘base’ that was independence and the ideals that currently inform our superstructure. And this will begin with re-emphasizing the Zimbabwe Peoples Charter.

Zimbabwe @34: Regrouping for a People Driven Way Forward

By Blessing Vava
Zimbabwe turns 34 month with its President,  Robert Mugabe making history as the Africa’s oldest Head of State at 90 years of age. The generation of Mugabe, Chitepo, Tongogara, Nkomo and all those who participated in the struggle for independence must be honoured and saluted for the selfless sacrifices they made to liberate Zimbabwe.

The coming of independence was a joyous moment for all the citizens, who for a long time had been subjected to a racist colonial regime that denied the black people political and economic freedom. With the struggle of liberation have been long and protracted, the pulling down of the Union Jack at Rufaro Stadium in April 1980 marked the beginning of  a new stage to the revolution to full freedom for the people of Zimbabwe.

The reasons why Zimbabwe went to war are quite important for us to understand the concept of national liberation. The national liberation of the people entailed the destruction of political and economic domination of the racist supremacists Rhodesians. The questions we ask today are- was our liberation struggle about removing the white man? Or it was about addressing the political and economic system for the benefit of the majority.

Our revolutionary task after independence was for us to strive to achieve those goals for the benefit of the citizens of this country. For years after independence Zimbabwe adopted a transitional constitution negotiated in Lancaster England. It is that constitution that guided Zimbabwe’s political and economic trajectory until 2013, with the first amendments in 1987 together with 19 other amendments that followed.

The Lancaster House document guided Zimbabwe to its first democratic elections which were won by President Mugabe’s ZANU PF and he became the country’s premier, with the late Reverend Canaan Banana, assuming a ceremonial presidency. The Zvobgo amendments abolished the post of Prime Minister and created an executive presidency with Mugabe assuming office as the ultimate leader of the Southern African country.   Already this step in itself was a clear negation of the values and principles of the liberation struggle. This marked the first step in reversing those gains. The constitution in itself should protect its citizens from absolute rulers

Ironically, the late Edison Zvogbo, the then Minister of Legal Affairs master-minded the amendment to Executive Presidency.  However the shortcomings of our national constitution was its hollowness in addressing the term limits for a president of the country, and it is this gap that Mugabe later abused to stay in power. It also failed to adequately address social, economic rights. With unlimited term limits and excessive power at his disposal, Mugabe has ruled Zimbabwe since 1980. And I argue that Zimbabwe’s problems emanated from the constitutional order that allowed one man rule and not majority rule. Suffice to say, aided by the executive powers, the state security apparatus have been Mugabe’s trump card for the past thirty four years.

 As we reflect 34 years down the line, Zimbabwe now boasts itself for having finally authoring its own constitution, which however was controversially sponsored by the inclusive government. The liberation struggle was about freedom, it was about democracy, it was about land, the national economy.  The struggles for a people driven constitution of by the constitutional movement in the late 90s were a fulfillment of the goals of the liberation struggle and total independence, not of a few black elites by the majority of Zimbabweans.

  Despite Mugabe’s attempts to cheat us into accepting a flawed constitution in 2000, the pro-democratic forces armed with the National Working Peoples Convention resolutions mobilized Zimbabweans into rejecting that constitution in the referendum. However the rejection of the Chidyausiku document meant that we were back to square one and again the constitutional debate escalated to the extent that ZANU PF could not ignore anymore. Even during the negotiations that led to the crafting of the GPA, the issue of the constitution was topical and a whole section of that agreement was crafted as a result.

Alternatively, the civil society had gathered earlier that year in February 2008 just a month before the harmonized elections to come up with Zimbabwe Peoples Charter which outlined a framework writing a new constitution in its Section 3.

To address the challenges affecting our country I pose to the young generation to embrace the people’s charter. The historic programme which has evolved to express the common immediate aspirations of all the classes of the oppressed people is the Peoples Charter. This document is in itself, a programme for social democracy as it can provide a basis for uninterrupted advance to a social democratic future.

Moving forward, we must accept the mistakes of the past generations and put it to ourselves to address that. The GNU promised us about the so-called incremental gains have actually turned out to be a decrement. The thirty four years of independence should be equated on the basis of the state of progression of the laws that govern us, the political will and the success of our economy. The framework is brilliantly captured in the Zimbabwe Peoples Charter. The fulfillment of the charter will be the completion of the revolution towards a social democratic state. It is no longer a doubt that the Zimbabwe Peoples Charter aspires to fulfill and safeguard the values, principles and gains of the liberation struggle and our national independence. To achieve that we need not just political statements, neither do we need cult leaders to safeguard the values of the liberation struggle and our national independence. It now requires fortitude, selflessness and discipline, a clear programme of mass mobilization action in the fight for total freedom from the ZANU PF regime.

Our generation should lead a guided struggle which like  the Freedom Charter in South Africa and adhere to those guiding principles so that we do not end up personalizing the peoples struggle like what happened with ZANU PF and what is currently happening in the MDC. 
Internal democracies or peoples struggles should be challenged based on a set of principles which have to be agreed upon by the people. Our generation should move towards fulfilling the Peoples Charter and the National Working Peoples Convention. Going forward there is need to regroup and merge the Peoples convention and peoples charter to come up with a framework to guide our generational struggle- create a social democratic movement of young energetic people to fulfil its provisions and principles.

Zimbabwe@34: The “Nervous Condition” of the Youth

By David Chidende
18 April is a memorable day in Zimbabwe’s history as the country celebrates its independence from white colonial rule. The day represents the beginning of a new nation born from the womb of oppression and race-based politics of exclusion. The journey to Uhuru wasn’t an easy walk as it was characterized by a protracted armed struggle in which sons and daughters fell, homes were destroyed and livestock stolen in the quest to address the wide inequalities in national wealth distribution, address the land question and attain majority rule.

And so the dawn of independence in 1980, after almost a century of oppression and exploitation, was greeted with an electrifying atmosphere of hope from the black majority who vested trust in the new black political leadership to fulfill the aspirations of the liberation struggle.

However, it is sad to note that after 34 years of independence the Zimbabwean citizens have not yet progressed on the independence value chain. The people are still facing the same problems they faced under the Rhodesia Front as the Zanu PF government and leadership diverted from the original agenda of the liberation struggle. Politics of greed takes toll with those in the echelons of power feasting on the national cake, distributing wealth amongst themselves whilst the masses starve.

In this entire ‘jinx’ young people and women struggle to understand the importance of independence especially when a small clique hijacked state power and controls the means of production. The government has turned a blind eye on its citizens as it failed to address the issue of unemployment, which has seen many youths flooding the streets due to the shrinking job market as industries close down almost every day.

This, coupled with poor infrastructure development, high cases of corruption (especially in government’s parastatals) poor health services in almost all government hospitals, deteriorating educational standards and poor sanitation (lack of clean water) resulted in rampant outbreaks of waterborne diseases such as cholera and typhoid which further darkens the gloomy picture of an independent  Zimbabwe. 

Young people bleeds as the country celebrates 34 years of independence. They are not given the opportunity to enjoy the fruits of their fathers’ sweat and blood that brought about this independence.  Fundamentally, the youths have not been guaranteed the right to education as the State fails to fulfil its promises on providing free basic education from primary to tertiary level.

The government has failed to release the cadetship fund through the Ministry of Finance to help university students resulting in approximately 45% of students dropping out of tertiary institutions while a further more than 50% fail to enrol at any college.

The same extends to primary and secondary levels where many children are failing to go to school because the State has failed to build more schools while the few that are available are charging fees which are far beyond the affordability of many parents.  This is in total violation of Article 7(i) of The Zimbabwe People’s Charter which states that the youth shall be guaranteed the right to education at all levels until they acquire their first tertiary qualification.  

After thirty four years of independence, the state of youths still remains a “nervous condition” even in decision making processes where they are barricaded outside and denied space to make decisions especially in political parties due to the current leadership’s quest to stay in power forever.

This is done through denying the youth political independence in any political setup despite their political consciousness and to this end; main wings of political parties in across Africa have created ‘dumb and mute’ Youth Leagues and Assemblies to subjugate the youth voice the idea being to cripple  the political consciousness of youths making the League/Assemblies more or less of political robots, rubber stamping and embracing bad leadership at all levels as decision are always made by the main wing.

Politicians have a tendency of undermining the value of young people in national development and they don’t see them as leadership material but tools for counter-productive activities such as violence in which they feature most as both perpetrators and victims.  

Unemployment, poverty and other social stresses have dis-empowered the youths, making them more susceptible to manipulation by the political leadership who for 34 years gobbled the wealth of this country. And as we celebrate independence, young people across all political divides must start being proactive and take charge in their communities, political parties and even churches. 

They must regroup and strategise to form a formidable social movement, try to engage people in their small groupings about the social ills bedeviling our country as a way of fighting against the personalization of the country, and resources by a few individuals. They must tell the political leadership that they deserve much better not scrambling for a few crumbs that fall from their tables.

Zimbabwe @34: A country of Old Men

By Prince Tongogara

Zimbabwe marked 34 years of independence from the colonial British regime this Easter holiday. And  after gaining its independence and tomorrow’s celebrations take one back to the old adage – the more the things change, the more they remain the same.

For the 34^th time, President Robert Mugabe will give a keynote address. The emphasis in his speeches could vary as they have over the years but to a discerning audience – his theme has largely remained the same archaic one – Zimbabwe shall never be a colony again.

Mugabe has become Zimbabwe. He has straddled over the nation’s history for close to two generations since he assumed the mantle to lead the liberation struggle in Mozambique. Since then, his legacy is synonymous with Zimbabwe’s triumphs and losses. He has seen it all but forgot to leave the stage to give a new impetus to new politics and new visions.

For 34 years the country has remained steeped in the war mode, trying to solve our problems as if we are still in 1980 when the world was still bipolar – cleanly divided between the East and West. In that time warp, the Zanu PF government continues to fiddle while the economy regresses and a whole generation has never known any other leader beside Mugabe. This is a whole generation that has been locked out of the political discussions and decision-making as they wait for the older generation to exit the stage.

After the chaotic land reform and economic empowerment programmes, the majority still remain outside the mainstream economic activities while a small, new black elite – the noveau rich – has developed in a fashion that replicates the colonial era.

The big liberation struggle questions still remain unanswered. Can Zimbabwe take a new socio-economic trajectory? Is Zanu PF ready for leadership renewal as opposed to succession? (Succession is simply taking over without making significant structural changes while renewal is having a new distinct structurally different leadership with a defined new vision and economic model for the country.)

Mugabe and his government over the years have remained on the same political-economic paradigm despite that their claimed ally China renews its leadership every decade. This renewal has given China a new economic impetus and a positive international relations compass.

It remains a moot case that Mugabe, one way or the other despite his liberation credentials,social programmes and pan-Africanism, has failed in this one great respect – to lay a foundation or even encourage leadership renewal.

It is unfortunate that that this same weakness has become pervasive in Zimbabwe – in opposition politics and even in private enterprises. There has been no significant change in the political leadership and company boardrooms for the past 20 years.

One can safely conclude, as we celebrate the 34^th anniversary of our independence, that Zimbabwe has been caught in a time warp, living in its own bubble that sooner or later will burst with devastating effects for the country. Renewal could be a new word in our politics, economics and social lives or soon it becomes a country of Old men and women.

      

 

Statement on Floods : Government Not Doing Enough to Prevent Loss of Lives and Livelihoods due to Floods and Climate Change

The Committee of the Peoples Charter (CPC), expresses solidarity to all the victims of this disaster and we share the pain and despair that the affected families must be feeling. And we express gratitude to all Zimbabweans, the Republic of Namibia and the international disaster relief community, in their efforts to assist in the disaster relief operation that is currently underway.

The areas most affected areas are Tsholotsho, (Matabeleland North) Chivi and Masvingo districts in Masvingo Province. An estimated 60 000 people have been affected in the area alone due to the flooding which has destroyed their homes, property, schools, crops and animals.

We are however cognizant of the democratic fact that it is also the responsibility of government guarantee as far as is pragmatically possible, public safety in times of natural disaster. This includes inter alia, preparing and constructing the relevant public safety infrastructure in natural disaster prone regions of the country.

It is most unfortunate that flooding (among other natural maladies) has been a perennial problem in the areas cited since our national independence with limited little having been done by government to seek to ensure there is a continually adequate and rapid response to the these annually occurring natural disasters such as flooding and drought.

We also call for transparency in the distribution of the aid to the affected families as reports of abuse have already been reported in some affected areas.

While we all find ways and means to assist our fellow citizens in the flood hit areas of the country, it is imperative that we bring government to full account on this and any other tragic national and natural disasters.

This can and should be done by ensuring the prioritization of a Disaster Relief Plan for the Country that is publicly acknowledged, democratically implemented and coordinated.

Information Department

Statement on the Occasion of the 6th Anniversary of the Zimbabwe People’s Charter

We, the People of Zimbabwe, After deliberations amongst ourselves and with the full knowledge of the work done by civic society organizations and social movements; With an understanding that our struggle for emancipation has been drawn-out and is in need of a people-driven solution

The Committee of the Peoples Charter (CPC) on the occasion of the 6^th anniversary of the Peoples Charter, adopted on February 9 2008 as a guide by Zimbabwean social movements, on a social democratic vision for the country, urges all Zimbabweans to stay the course for a people centered and democratic nation.
   http://peoplescharter.blogspot.com/2011/12/zimbabwe-peoples-charter.html

The historic document that is the People’s Charter, as adopted at the Peoples Convention by 3000 delegates remains a true reflection of the social democratic aspirations of the people of Zimbabwe dating back to not only the liberation struggle but has become critical discourse in our post-independence struggles for a social democratic  state.   

Twenty eight years after our country’s national independence, in the face of mounting social, economic and political decay, the students, the working class, churches and all sectors of our society saw the need for a lucid statement outlining the minimal benchmarks for reform and idealizing the future of Zimbabwe as outlined in the subsequent document, the Peoples Charter.

For the past six years, the Charter has not only been the basis but also the reference point for our demand for socio-economic justice, political equity, gender equality, youth participation, a transparent and accountable public service and democratic people driven constitution reform

The three thousand delegates (representatives of the social movements and civics, peasants, students, women, business community, youth and the broad mass democratic movement) gathered at Rainbow Towers Gardens, Harare on the 8^th and 9^th of February 2008. The Peoples Convention, became a platform for the entire Zimbabwean populace to record their demands so that they could be included in a common document. 

To this day, the Peoples Convention remains the most representative gathering in the history of Zimbabwe where the Peoples Charter, an idea for a cohesive, united, democratic Zimbabwe was adopted.
The Peoples Charter establishes a concrete vision for a new social democratic Zimbabwe in which the battle cry for all Zimbabweans  be they men, women and the youth is that ‘’Zimbabwe belongs to all who live and believe it.’'
                                           Zimbabwe at 34

Thirty Four years after independence, we have slid backwards in the areas of democracy, human rights, socio-economic rights, for which we hold the ZANU PF government accountable. On the socio-economic front the CPC notes with disappointment

o It must also be noted that Zimbabwe is yet to comply with Article 4 of the People’s Charter which requires that our national economy belongs to the people of Zimbabwe. The national wealth of our country and the heritage of Zimbabweans have not yet been restored to the people. The mineral wealth beneath the soil is not benefiting the people of Zimbabwe as required by the Charter. It remains unfortunate that there is a spreading culture of oligarchies that have held undemocratic sway over our economy

o the dilapidation of our country’s infrastructure,

o absence of provision of free basic healthcare

o Absence of a comprehensive education policy.Despite boasting of a 92% literacy rate, we have noted that education is now a preserve of the rich, disenfranchising millions of young Zimbabweans of their right to education, which is however not clearly spelt out in the new constitution 
o   the absence of free low cost housing,

o   lack of access to clean water,

o   electricity

o   And the provision of sanitation

Political Reform- A neglected step-child

The Peoples Charter clearly sets out democratic changes required to enable all the people of Zimbabwe to live in unity, enjoying equal rights and opportunities without distinction of political affiliation or belief. It is a document that reflects the noble objectives of the liberation struggle of the people of Zimbabwe for freedom, unity and human dignity. As we commemorate these 6 years of the existence of the Peoples document, we wish to express our concern over cases of rampant state sanctioned corruption namely by parastatals bosses who in acts of self-aggrandizement are awarding themselves hefty salaries and living opulent lifestyles at the expense of lower ranks whose salaries are unrealistically low and service delivery continues plummeting to the lowest levels.  

Section (1) (i) of the Peoples Charter clearly states that,

“All people in Zimbabwe live in a society, which is the embodiment of transparency, with an efficient public service and a belief in a legitimate, people-centered state.

Reclaiming the Future:

Those who have, for the past six years, fought under the banner of the Zimbabwe Peoples Charter must remain steadfast and resolute as the dawn of a new era nears with each passing day. The CPC thus recommends to the government, civic society and social movements and Zimbabweans at large that:

On hefty salaries the (CPC) calls upon the government to launch an independent commission of inquiry to investigate the rampant graft and self-enrichment happening in all state institutions.

The issue of the constitution is still a far cry Zimbabweans need to intensify calls for a people driven constitution making process to rid the excesses and vagaries of the COPAC constitution which retained the basis of an executive authority in the same manner as the Lancaster House Constitution and the Kariba draft

The Peoples Charter remains a legitimate and ideal document encapsulating the visions and aspirations of the progressive movement and millions of Zimbabweans. The ideals set out in the Peoples Charter can only be achieved if the government commits itself to transparency accountability and respect for the fundamental freedoms and liberties of the human person.

Zimbabweans and the broader civics find themselves plunged in uncertain times and disillusioned, the CPC reiterates that the struggle for a people centered political and development paradigm is NOW and continues to fight for the ideological strengthening of like-minded social movements to align their programming to the very essence of the founding principles grounded by its connection with the masses and guided by the resolve of a social democratic  state adopted in February 2008.  

The CPC shall continue to find its legitimacy in the Pan African doctrine safeguarding against the dictatorship of global capital in its programming and outlook - the people must own its existence.

We also demand that the government of Zimbabwe must immediately adopt the Peoples Charter as the official policy document embodying the bona-fide demands and aspirations of all sections of our Zimbabwean.

Today, we must take this tradition forward. The Charter’s far-reaching demands are as relevant today as they were six years ago when the Charter was adopted. 

It is therefore imperative for the people of Zimbabwe to stay focused on the important parts of our struggle which are yet to be achieved as they are vital  in the liberation of our people and in the transformation their lives. 

The struggle must continue until each of the 8 demands of the Peoples Charter are realized.

Issued by: Information Department

Say No to the Inclusive Government’s Politics of the Belly’

Press Statement on Proposed Government Exit Packages

Issue Date: February 08 2013

The Committee of the Peoples Charter (CPC) is gravely disappointed with the departure lounge intentions of the inclusive government’s ministers and the current Parliament to award themselves ‘exit’ packages in the form of luxury vehicles and houses, as reported in the February 8-14 edition of the Zimbabwe Independent. Such an intention is grossly hypocritical as well as thoroughly unjustified and undeserved.

In a year where the country is facing a major drought as well as deplorable social services where there is lack of clean drinking water, affordable health care and a crisis in our education system, awarding these policy makers these ridiculous exit packages would be the height of political insensitivity.

These leaders would do well to be reminded that being in government is a service to the people of Zimbabwe and not a mechanism through which they must seek to enrich themselves.  Unfortunately this latest intention is only but the latest indication of the warped thinking that informs the inclusive government where and when it comes to matters of allowances and perks for its officials.

Against better advice, the inclusive government has over the last four years had a ridiculously high foreign travel bill, a penchant for purchasing luxury vehicles for ministers and their deputies while simultaneously claiming that the country has a mere US$217,00 in its bank account. 

That MPs and ministers now want ‘exit packages’  is akin to severance packages in a country where unemployment is reportedly as high as 80%, can only be viewed as a demonstration of utter contempt for the suffering of the ordinary people.

The CPC strongly advises the inclusive government and parliament to show contrition and sensitivity to the people that elected them into office by being magnanimous and not seeking to loot the national purse for personal aggrandizement.

Zimbabwe is neither their personal tuck-shop nor theirs to treat as an ‘endgame takes all you can’ country.  Where the inclusive government decides to proceed with dishing out exit packages to itself, the CPC shall mobilize all Zimbabweans against such extravagance.

Open Letter to Zimbabwean Minister of Foreign Affairs Mumbengengwi: Act urgently on Eastern DRC Conflict, Call for Extraordinary SADC and EAC Summit.

The Committee of the People's Charter (CPC) notes with great trepidation and misgiving the long standing conflict in the Eastern parts of the Democratic Republic of the Congo (DRC). This is particularly so with the recent escalation of the conflict and the displacement of innocent and unarmed civilians in the regional capital of Goma.

While the CPC is aware of the ongoing efforts of the United Nations Peacekeeping Force (MONUSC) as well as the initiative of the neighbouring states through their 12 August 2012 Great Lakes Region International Summit, we are of the firm view that the Zimbabwean government has an obligation to call for greater urgency in seeking a ceasefire and an end to the internal displacement of innocent civilians in this conflict.

This is not only because the DRC is a member of the Southern African Development Community (SADC) but also because Zimbabwe has long standing ties with the DRC that, in the final analysis, make it obligatory for us to support and seek peaceful solutions to that conflict.

The CPC has also observed that it is a general trend of the Zimbabwean government and components of civil society to seek regional and international solidarity primarily on the basis of our internal problems at home and rarely do we seek or act in solidarity and support for peoples of Africa and elsewhere in the world that are in conflict situations.

It is therefore of utmost importance that Zimbabwe, through the Ministry of Foreign Affairs, formally requests SADC to act with urgency on the matter. This would include action that should lead to the calling of a joint Extraordinary Summit on the DRC conflict involving SADC and the East African Community (EAC) in order to resolve the conflict and with African Union and United Nations support. 

CPC response to the 2013 National Budget presented by Finance Minister Tendai Biti

16 November 2012

The Committee of the Peoples Charter (CPC), having read the 2013 budget presentation, notes that it is a budget that is intended at continuity in relation to the inclusive government’s work programme at least six months prior to elections being held in March next year.

It is this intended continuity with its attendant business as usual approach that points to the fact that the inclusive government might not be taking elections scheduled for 2013 as seriously as would be expected. This is with regards to both the inadequate budgetary allocation for elections and the referendum, as well as in the assumption that the inclusive government’s work programme will be undertaken by the next government of Zimbabwe.

It is therefore the CPC’s initial observation that the inclusive government, through its budget is not taking the nationally important issue of elections as seriously as is necessary. This is even more tacit where consideration is given to the fact that the inclusive government is a compromise arrangement and to seek a repeat of the same through inadequate resourcing of elections is unfortunate.

The CPC notes that in the same framework of seeking continuity to its policy ambiguities, the inclusive government has not allocated any resources for a wholesale review of its performance either for each line ministry or as Cabinet. Because of this, there is the claim that for example, the Distressed Industrial and Marginalized area Fund (DIMAF) was not exhausted in the current financial year (2012), yet it was a fund that was established on the basis of urgency.

 It therefore becomes disheartening to assess that the recurrence of the same urgent challenges facing the people of Zimbabwe in all of the last four national budget presentations by the Minister of Finance is indicative of limited or poor performance by the ministers in the inclusive government.

In relation to social welfare or what the budget has termed ‘Social Services and Social Safety Nets,’ there is no new approach to the challenges faced therein. The template that the government seeks to use is that which has continued to bedevil the social services, particularly health and education since the first full budget of the inclusive government.

It would have been preferable had health and education at primary level be made free at all government institutions with the intention of ensuring access for all young children and primary school pupils. This would be a mitigatory measure against commercialization of these services where only the few get the best of them and our political leaders seek health treatment as well as send their children to expensive schools. And where international donors have been assisting in funding our health delivery system, it would be preferable that the government negotiate from that premise.

The reference that the budget makes to youth is however of significance in that indeed youth unemployment is a 'time-bomb' in Zimbabwe. In our view the reasons for this are not because, contrary to the budgets assertion of a fear of a youth uprising similar to the 'Arab spring'. it is more because the inclusive government has failed to address youth unemployment holistically and has unfortunately sought to purchase support of young Zimbabweans through unclear youth funds that have eventually mainly benefited those with proximity to political power. Where the 2013 budget emphasizes 'vocational training' for youths it accords them no particular role in the contemporary economy, particularly via public work programmes such as the much vaunted Plumtree-Mutare highway or even proposed rehabilitation of hospitals and other state institutions.

In conclusion, the CPC, being aware that budgets are not singular panaceas for societal development, it is the progress that they make and provide for that leads towards better and democratic distribution of the national cake. The 2013 budget however is not a major departure from what has been obtaining since 2009 where the template that informs it remains to the greater extent over reliant on resources and knowledge support from the IMF and the World Bank, institutions that were at the lead of implementing economic structural adjustment programmes in the 90s.

It is unfortunate that in contemporary times, the inclusive government continues to inadequately address the contextual economic problems that Zimbabwe faces through similarly arrived at templates.

SUBMISSIONS TO THE INCLUSIVE GOVERNMENT ON THE PENDING 2013 ANNUAL BUDGET PRESENTATION BY THE MINISTRY OF FINANCE

The Honorable Tendai Biti (MP)

Minister of Finance

New Government Complex

Harare

Zimbabwe

29 October 2012

Dear Minister Biti

RE: COMMITTEE OF THE PEOPLES CHARTER (ZIMBABWE) SUBMISSIONS TO THE INCLUSIVE GOVERNMENT ON THE PENDING 2013 ANNUAL BUDGET PRESENTATION BY THE MINISTRY OF FINANCE ( A New Social Democratic Deal for Zimbabwe)

The above matter refers:  

On the 13^th of October 2011, the Committee of the Peoples Charter presented submissions to your good office for on what we considered to be key priority areas for the 2012 Annual National Budget.

We noted that our submissions were not replied to nor evidently put into consideration by the inclusive government.

We therefore humbly re-submit the same document with some changes mindful of the fact that the concerns that we raised in October 2011 remain valid for consideration in the 2013 budget.

In the interest of public transparency, we have also copied this letter and the attached submissions to the Parliamentary Portfolio Committee on Budget, Finance and Investment Promotion.  We have also copied the same  to civil society organisations.

We therefore hope that these submissions will be considered in the 2013 national budget.

Kind regards,

Blessing Vava

Secretary to the CPC

Cc

The Prime Minister’s Office, The Speakers Office, The Public Accounts Portfolio Committee, The  Zimbabwe Congress of Trade Unions, The National Association of Non-Governmental Organisations,  The Zimbabwe Coalition on Debt and Development, the Zimbabwe Lawyers for Human Rights, The National Constitutional Assembly, Bulawayo Agenda, the National Aids Council, the Zimbabwe Council of Churches, the Zimbabwe Catholic Bishops Conference, the Zimbabwe National Chamber of Commerce, the Media Institute of Southern Africa Zimbabwe Chapter, the Zimbabwe, The Media Alliance of Zimbabwe, the Crisis in Zimbabwe Coalition, the Youth Forum, the Zimbabwe Human Rights NGO Forum, The Zimbabwe National Students Union, Youth Forum

COMMITTEE OF THE PEOPLES CHARTER (ZIMBABWE) SUBMISSIONS TO THE INCLUSIVE GOVERNMENT ON THE PENDING 2013 ANNUAL BUDGET PRESENTATION BY THE MINISTRY OF FINANCE

THEME: A New Social Democratic and Social Welfarist Deal for Zimbabwe.

SUBMITTED TO: The Ministry of Finance, Government of the Republic of Zimbabwe

 Monday 29  OCTOBER 2012

Contact Details: 348 Herbert Chitepo Harare, Zimbabwe,

Email: committee@zimbabwepeoplescharter.org

A. Introduction

(i)This is our considered input for consideration by the Ministry of Finance as it prepares the projected national budget for the year 2013.  It is important at the onset to make it apparent that in presenting this alternative peoples budget framework the Committee of the Peoples Charter (CPC) submissions are not made out of particular economic or financial expertise but commitment to our country and commitment to democratic people centered government. And in  so doing, we wish to make it clearly understood that these submissions are premised on our intention to see the government prioritize the establishment of a Social Democratic ideological underpinning to the state, and a Social Welfare oriented national economy.

(ii) We are also persuaded that any Zimbabwean annual national budget should fundamentally serve the citizens of this country. This makes such a policy document one that must have the approval of the people of Zimbabwe, must talk to their collective national and individual aspirations, address matters related to the livelihoods of contemporary and future generations of the country and above all, seek to promote democratic, people centered and accountable government within a Social Democratic and Social Welfare framework.

(iii)  Furthermore, in the three years that have lapsed since the formation of the inclusive government, it is publicly acknowledged and recognized that the inclusive government, through the Ministry of Finance has, to its credit, sought to ensure that there is public consultation over and around the formulation of key performance priorities of the national budget. It is such an approach to the national budget that has prompted the Committee of the Peoples Charter (CPC) to make its input to the Ministry of Finance on this important national issue. The CPC, in the interest of public transparency has also copied these submissions to all the relevant portfolio committees of the Parliament of Zimbabwe and civil society organizations with the intention of appraising fellow Zimbabweans on our views on matters related to the 2013 national budget.

B. Founding Premise of our Submissions.

(i)The CPC  is formed from the processes that led to the establishment of the Zimbabwe People’s Charter that was penned by civil society organizations in February 2008 at the Peoples Convention held in Harare, Zimbabwe. Over 3500 representatives of civil society organizations attended this meeting with the express intention of bringing to the attention of national political leaders, in particular those that had been involved in the SADC mediated negotiations in the run-up to the March 2008 elections, the priorities that any Zimbabwean government should consider henceforth.  The character of the output of this convention was Social Democratic as well as keenly focused on the deliverance of a state that is a Social Welfare state. This is as outlined in the 7 key tenets of the Zimbabwe Peoples Charter which cover the political environment, the national economy and social welfare, the constitutional reform process, the youth, women and gender, elections and our national value system. [1]

(ii) With the passage of three years since the formation of the inclusive government we are firmly aware that the ideals enunciated in the Zimbabwe Peoples Charter have not been met for reasons that include political contestations in the inclusive government; the overwhelming of the initial signatory civil society organizations by the politics of the inclusive government either by way of cooptation into government programmes or through  the continued lack of enjoyment of their and fellow citizens fundamental human rights to assemble or express themselves. 

(iii) Regardless of these developments over the last three years, the CPC has remained committed to the Peoples Charter in so far as it provides a Zimbabwean Social Democratic and Social Welfarist standard of measurement of the performance of the inclusive government or any other Zimbabwean government of the past or of the future.

(iv) This standard, as outlined in the Charter is premised on the history of our struggle for liberation and our post independence struggles  for full democratization.  Both eras of struggle hold and still hold it dear that all human beings are created equal, have the right to life and a life of dignity,  must be accorded the full enjoyment of political and economic freedoms in any bill of rights as well as universal suffrage and social and economic justice .

C. The Attendant Principles and Ten National Guiding Points and Actions That Should Inform Our National Budget.

(i) We realize that the inclusive government is contested policy terrain given the different ideological backgrounds of the three political parties that comprise it.  This has meant that the national budget has been characterized by politicized contestations as to how to reform and revitalize the national economy. These contestations have also been characterized by an unfortunate political party grandstanding at laying claim to the incremental improvements that have been evident in the supply of goods and services in the country.

(ii) In our view, it is therefore imperative that the inclusive government considers re-thinking the national budget in a different light. While it is accepted that the member parties of the inclusive government are strange bedfellows and the workings of government are generally informed by the politics of party positioning, the inclusive government is failing to demonstrate the requisite ‘common ground’ that led to its formation. And it is this ‘common ground’ with particular regards to the section of the preamble to the GPA that states, “committing ourselves to putting our people and our country first by arresting the fall in living standards and reversing the decline of our economy” [2] that the CPC wishes to draw to the attention of the Ministry of Finance and the entirety of the inclusive government.

 It is also in the following Section D of our submissions that we emphasize that the inclusive government  must of historical necessity take into account the imperative that the national budget must be Social Democratic and Social Welfarist in intent, purpose and practice.

D. Defining ‘Common Ground’ In The National Economy.

(i) It is generally held as important that national budgets should seek to address in a holistic manner, the livelihoods and aspirations of all citizens in a given country. This includes the responsibility of the government to provide health, shelter, education, general welfare, employment, opportunity to be inventive  and public transport for all,  while at the same time providing for the necessary expansion of the national economy to not only meet these needs but also compete regionally and globally to be a developed and democratic people centered state.

(ii) Because of our country’s history of the liberation war and the continuing post independence struggle for full democratization, both in relation to the full realization of envisioned political freedoms and the realization of a people-centered national economy, we hold it imperative that the inclusive government actively seek national ‘common  ground’ on the national economy.  This is because where we have analysed the politics of the liberation struggle and those of the struggle for full democratization of the state as led by the labour unions in the 1990s, there are threads that are common to both struggle epochs. The values of the liberation war movements remain in tandem with those of the post independence struggles for full democratization with particular emphasis on all players having initially sought differing versions of a social democratic ideological thrust to the state, upon independence or upon attainment of full democratization.

(iii) Evidence to the latter point resides in the public knowledge that the main protagonists in the inclusive government have generally referred to important national matters such as land reform or indigenization as issues that they agree to in principle but differ in the area of the methodology of implementation. It is our considered view that the necessary compromise and in any event, the historically determined common ground is that of having a national budget presented within the context of social democratic ideals.

(iv) This would preferably be termed and themed,   A New Social Democratic and Social Welfare Deal for Zimbabwe and would be characterized by the following 10 (ten) national principles:

1. A re-affirmation of the liberation struggle and post independence struggles for full democratization ideals based on the aspirations enunciated in these same struggles which were and are primarily aimed at achieving universal suffrage, democracy, political and economic freedoms, social welfare and gender equality for all Zimbabweans.

2. A commitment to upholding the democratic truth that in the formulation of a national budget, a sitting government of the day must ensure that there is full declaration of the country’s assets, its actual revenue and its potential revenue together with the sources of the same.

3. A continued commitment to seeking Zimbabwean solutions to Zimbabwean problems within the context of a globalised World. This would take into account the fact that it remains Zimbabwe’s national prerogative to negotiate with the World in what is democratically held to be in the country and citizen’s best social democratic interests.

4. A commitment to the re-establishment and improvement of a social welfare state. That is, a state that understands and implements the provision of health; education for all;  public transport;  basic nutrition for children according to UNICEF standards; access to water; employment creation; social welfare grants for the unemployed; specific social welfare grants for  women;   and natural or human made disaster support for all its citizens.

5. A commitment to the full enjoyment of universally accepted and acknowledged human rights;  the rule of law and the separation of powers that are expected in a democratic state.

6. An understanding that it is obligatory upon the state to ensure equitable just and accountable re-distribution of the land for the benefit of the majority rural and urban poor in order to guarantee their food security. This would entail that the state establish an independent Land Commission

7. A commitment to the democratic imperative that all national wealth acquired from our natural minerals must be harnessed primarily to provide resource support for the social welfare needs of the country’s citizens i.e education, health, public transport, access to water and basic nutrition. In tandem with this commitment that the government must commit itself to public disclosure as to the amount of revenue it has acquired and will acquire from all of our national mineral wealth for the full knowledge of the public.

8. A re-commitment and pledge to gender equality in all spheres of Zimbabwean society  and the active promotion of women’s rights as well as the protection of the rights of young females. This includes giving preferential treatment to young females in the arenas of health, education (both basic and tertiary), and in employment. It also includes ensuring a special social welfare grant be given to all women headed households and disadvantaged women in general.

9. A re-commitment and pledge to ensure that all young people of Zimbabwe have access to free and quality education up to tertiary level, access to health, access to employment and access to social welfare grants where they are economically disadvantaged.

10. A re-commitment to solidarity with the peoples in the Zimbabwean Diaspora, the peoples of Southern Africa and the African continent premised on accepting the ideals and principles of democratic governance grounded in a firm understanding of our shared struggle histories and our continued struggles for the assertion of African identity, unity and solidarity with the rest of the world. This understanding will also reaffirm our commitment to the United Nations Charter as well as the United Nations Declaration of Human Rights with its attendant Conventions.

E.The Pragmatic Urgency of the 2013 Budget Minus Political Expediency.

(i) We are aware of the urgency of the 2013 budget in relation to our ongoing national economic crises wherein our social service provision has remained low, unemployment levels remain high and our industries are yet to regain the momentum that was lost in the last 15 years.

(ii) We are also cognizant of the political decisions that will inform the allocation of resources for a national Constitutional Referendum and a General Election.

(iii) It is however our considered view that the national budget should not be beholden to these two processes without addressing the nine principles enunciated above.

(iv) To ensure that this does not happen we strongly recommend a clear demarcation in the national budget to matters related to the functional components of the national economy from the political ones that have been pre-determined by the GPA. This is to say, where the government has budgeted for the political processes of referendum and elections, the political implementation matrix unlike in the last two financial years, should not evidently cause unnecessary stagnation in the provision of the social welfare needs of the people of Zimbabwe.

(v) It is therefore our considered proposal that the Ministry of Finance makes the following distinction in the national budget:

1.The ‘Common Ground’ Functional Economic Provisions: these budgetary provisions would take into account what we have highlighted as the ‘common ground’ that the budget must address. These provisions essentially point to matters that should not be directly beholden to any decision by the three principals in the inclusive government post their agreement to these same said ‘common ground’  principles. For emphasis, these provisions should also include budgetary allocations for the enjoyment of our human rights and political freedoms as well as the rule of law and be firmly grounded in Social democratic and Social Welfarist ideals.

2.The Contingent GPA Provisions: These provisions will be set aside to ensure that political contestations via democratic elections are provided for without undermining the national economic ‘common ground’. This would mean where and when the three principals to the GPA decide to call for elections, these political processes should not stop the functioning of the state in relation to its ability to provide essential services as occurred in the contestations between 2000 and 2008.

3.It’s Our Country too. Such provisions will make it clear to the people of Zimbabwe that whereas the politics of our national leaders remains important in relation to who is in charge of our government, in the event that they disagree as they have done in the last two and a half years, our country should not be permitted to collapse on that basis alone. It is the prerogative and duty of all citizens to remain committed to the Zimbabwean state, hold it to account on broader and non partisan values that assert our collective humanity and where possible, avoid the proverbial circumstance of ‘when elephants fight, it is the grass that suffers’.

F. The Proposed Priorities for the 2013  Budget.

(i) For emphasis and with due consideration of the economic circumstances that the country is facing we humbly propose that the inclusive government prioritizes the following in its 2013 Budget:

(ii) ‘Common Ground Provisions’

1.Restoration of full functionality and professionalism at all major referral government and local government hospitals in Zimbabwe inclusive of free treatment and medication for the majority poor; free and guaranteed access to electricity for all of these hospitals, fair remuneration for all medical personnel and the re-launch of a health for all nationwide awareness campaign.

2.Provision for free primary school education for all, subsidization of all government secondary school budgets, restoration of the student loan schemes for tertiary education in collaboration with university and college administrations and the establishment of a national education policy that is much more sensitive to the aspirations of Zimbabwe’s Generation Next.

3.Provision for Parliament that relate more to its oversight role than it does to the remuneration of Members of Parliament without being over-reliant on donor funding. This will serve to guarantee its independence.

4.Provision for a fully functional Judiciary, with permission for greater decentralization of its functions for the full implementation of the rule of law and guarantees to its independence.

5.Provision for the land reform programmes hitherto, with access to agricultural inputs and infrastructural  developments remaining a priority; the land audit becoming a reality; the establishment and full functioning of an independent land commission as well as compensation for those who unjustly lost their livelihoods during the various phases of the land reform programmes after independence.

6.Provision for the revival of a electricity, road/ rail  and telecommunications systems in order to improve public transport and communications. This would entail an revised incorporation of the National Railways of Zimbabwe and its national rail network with particular emphasis on urban passenger services as well as urban-rural passenger services; a revitalization of our fixed telephone networks to intergrate them with our mobile telephony for greater communication between citizens and the urgent refurbishment of outstanding power stations.

7.Provisions for the utilization of revenue from the entirety of the mining industry into the national health system to purchase modern and up to date medical equipment,  drugs as well as input directly into the revival of our national emergency response systems such as the Fire Brigade, Civil Protection Unit, and ambulance services.

8.Provision for the expansion of the ability of Zimbabweans to receive and impart information through the establishment of a separate Media Development and Diversity Fund to assist in the establishment of independent private and community radio stations, boost transmission capacities of the same and assist the print media in their viability challenges.

9.Provision for a holistic review of all state enterprises within the context of having their functions fulfill the New Social Democratic and Social Welfarist Deal for Zimbabwe.

10.Provisions for a ‘Bridging the Gap’ Re-integration and Linkage  Fund for the Diaspora with the express aim of ensuring that we communicate and integrate the Diaspora into our national debate and our national planning processes.

11.Provisions for the revival of our industrial sectors in relation to basic commodity production, mining, agriculture, tourism, industrial and mechanized heavy duty production, information communications technologies, all premised on the understanding that their operations are predicated on a Social Democratic and Social Welfarist societal vision and reality.

12.Provisions for the on-going global efforts to tackle the global problem of Climate Change which will include a much more comprehensive funding programme for the Metrological Department, the re-invigoration of our public awareness campaigns on clean and eco-friendly environmental usage, that also is cognizant of the dangers of seeking Foreign Direct investment in bio-fuels that damage the environment.

(iii) ‘GPA Provisions’

1.Provisions for the finalization of the constitutional  reform process with acknowledgement that it remains the right of Zimbabweans to reject or accept the draft constitution being written  by COPAC. Further still, to provide necessary resources for knowledge dissemination on the end result of the COPAC constitution as well as potential re-engagement with the Zimbabwean public on the aftermath of the COPAC process regardless of its outcome.

2. Provision for the continued reform and full functioning of the Zimbabwe Electoral Commission and the attendant enabling  legislation with the express aim of fully democratizing electoral processes in Zimbabwe.

3. Provision for a national elections referendum, i.e to hold a national referendum on whether or not the country is ready for elections given the pace and progress of reform.

4. Provision for national elections in the aftermath of a national referendum to determine the nation’s satisfaction with the relevant electoral reforms.

5. Provisions for transitional justice processes in the aftermath of a national election.

G. Conclusion

The significance of the national budget cannot be more apparent in our country, wherein, it represents a binding statement of intent by the inclusive government to continue to seek solutions to our national political, economic and social crises. Our submissions may, in some instances be deemed idealistic or lacking in pragmatism. Where we are accused of being idealistic we humbly submit that it is from our ideas that we become pragmatic just as it is from believing in God, that we learn to bend on our knees in prayer. Our submissions do not cover all aspects of the national budget, neither do they undertake technical analyses of the National Fiscus. They do however take into account, the realities that are faced by millions of Zimbabweans (at home and abroad) and by so doing, offer a perspective that is intended to inform the policy intentions of the inclusive government for the year 2013. As explained in the first sections of this document, the basis of our submission is the Zimbabwe Peoples Charter. This is not to say that the latter is a perfect document, but it demonstrates a necessary understanding of the importance of accountable and democratic government particularly so, in the context of our country’s historical, contemporary and future challenges.

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